按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！
JE CASTANEDA：站在街上，我想那将是一次很愉快的狂欢。
NARRATOR： Like Je Castaneda； most of the delegates were from developing countries that had embraced globalization。 Casteneda wanted more trade。 He also hoped to narrow the gap between the rich and the poor of the developing world。
旁白：同Je Castaneda一样，大多数的代表来自于发展中国家，他们欢迎全球化。Castaneda想要更多的贸易。他同时希望缩小富裕国家和贫穷的发展中国家之间的差距。
JE CASTANEDA： The issue that's been ing up constantly in the speeches is that the small countries； the poorer sectors of each society need a special deal； that they cannot just be left out； because if they are； they'll never be brought in。 There is； I would say； a growing consensus on that； but there isn't necessarily a consensus on what to do。
JE CASTANEDA：在发言中常常提到的是小国和社会的贫困人群需要特殊的分配，我们不能遗弃他们，因为如果他们被遗弃，他们将永远无法加入主流社会中来。我应当承认，越来越多的人同意这个观点，但人们对如何去做没有一致的意见。
GEE W。 BUSH： I'm here to learn and to listen from voices； to those inside this hall and to those outside this hall who want to join us in constructive dialogue。
布什：我到这里来是为了学习和倾听，不仅是这个大厅里的声音，同时也包括大厅外面那些想加入建设性对话的人的声音。
NARRATOR： By now； the street demonstrations had bee a routine feature of major international meetings。 Protest anizers were increasingly sophisticated； using the Internet and other "；tools of globalization"； to try to bring the system down。
NARRATOR：现在，街头的游行示威是主要国际会议的常规景象。抗议组织更加地老练，他们使用互联网和其它国际化的工具来试图破坏这些会议。
GRETCHEN KING： So we travel around the country； and we set up these Web streams wherever there's a minor or a major demonstration。 Wherever people want this to be set up； we'll help them。 If we can provide alternatives； if we can provide criticisms that e from the streets and represent a diversity of people； then I think there's a possibility of success。 And that success would be； you know； burning the freetrade agreement of the Americas； that success would be disbanding the WTO； that success would be removing the power from the top one percent of the world's population。
GRETCHEN KING：我们在全国旅行，在大大小小有示威的地方建立网络。不论哪里的人们需要建立这些网络，我们帮助他们。如果我们可以提供选择、倾听街头的批评、显示人们的不同，那么我们就有可能成功。这样的成功就有可能摧毁美国的自由贸易协定、解散WTO、从只占世界人口1％的富裕人群手中夺取权力。
JE CASTANEDA： The protestors； by staking out an extremist position； make a more regulatory position more centrist； and that's fine。 Perhaps that's not what they want； but that's too bad。 You don't always get what you want； and you don't always know who you're working for。 But I do think that the protestors are natural allies of people who believe that there are things that should be done to manage world trade a certain way。
JE CASTANEDA：这些抗议者的极端立场使得管制采取了更加中间的立场，那样很好。 也许这并不是他们所想要的，因为他们的要求太激进了。你并不是每次都能得到你所想要的，你并不是每次都知道你为谁工作， 但我认为抗议是相信应当采取一些措施、按照一定方法来管理世界贸易的人们的天然同盟。
NARRATOR： The lasting impact of the protest movement was subtle； but real。 Since Seattle； the terms of the global debate had shifted。
旁白：上一次抗议的影响是微妙的，但确实真实的。自从西雅图会议，全球争论的焦点发生了变化。
NEMAT SHAFIK： In the early days； when the first protests started； I remember feeling very frustrated； because their rhetoric was so abstract。 It was； you know； it was about economic justice； they had no alternative program。 And the more I thought about it； the more I realized that if one looks historically； the role of protest movement isn't to provide solutions； it's their job to be critical； and then it's the job of the insiders； the people in the system； in their response to those protests to e up with new solutions。 And I think that's where we're at now。 And so I do think it's healthy that we have them banging at the gates。
NEMAT SHAFIK：在早期，最早的抗议开始时，在我记忆中的感觉非常失败。因为抗议者的语言非常抽象，抗议的内容是经济公正，并且没有提供其它的备选方案。当我更多地思考这个问题，我更多地认识到，如果从历史的角度来考虑这个问题，抗议运动的角色并不是提供一个解决方案；他们的任务是批评。解决方案是内部人员的工作。系统内的人对回答抗议者的问题，提供新解决方案负有责任。那正是我们现在所做的工作。因此，我认为门口存在抗议者是一件有益的事情。
BILL CLINTON： They care about legitimate problems； but they have the wrong diagnosis。 Their diagnosis is that the global economy has produced all the misery that they're protesting against。 On the other hand； you cannot have a global economy without a global social response； without a global environmental response； without a global security response。 It's just。。。 it's unrealistic to think you can。 And that's basically the next big challenge； is making this interdependent world of ours； on balance； far more positive than negative。 And the extent to which we succeed in doing that will determine whether the 21st century is either marred in its first 50 years by terrorism of all kinds across national borders； and more racial and religious and ethnic strife； and tribal strife in Africa； or whether it bees the most peaceful and prosperous and interesting time the world's ever known。
克林顿：他们关心的是问题的合法性，但他们的诊断是错误的。他们认为全球经济是他们所反对的贫困的根源。从另一方面来说，如果没有一个全球化的社会反应、环境反应和安全反应就不可能有全球化的经济。如果你认为能够，那是不切实际的。下一个大的挑战是如何使这个互相依存的世界在平衡的状况下使其积极的一面超越消极的一面。我们的努力在多大程度上成功将决定，在21世纪我们是在前50年被全球的各式各样的恐怖份子、种族、宗教、种族冲突、非洲的部落冲突所摧毁；还是会变成一个前人没有经历过的更和平、繁荣、更有意义的世界。
。。
Chapter 23： 9/11 ＇4：27＇
第二十三章： “事件”
NARRATOR： In the first decade of the 20th century； the global economy was in many ways as integrated as ours today。 That era of globalization ended in Sarajevo in 1914； when a bullet fired by a terrorist triggered the first world war。 In the aftermath of September 11； it seemed possible that history could repeat itself。
旁白：20世纪的第一个十年，全球经济在许多方面象现在一样密不可分。那个时代的全球化终止于1914年的萨拉热窝事件，一颗恐怖分子的子弹引发了第一次世界大战。 911事件的后果使历史看起来有可能重演。
DANIEL YERGIN： Up until September 11； there was a sense that with the crisis and the risks； that nevertheless this movement towards globalization really was irreversible。 And since then there's a recognition of that you can't turn back the clock； we're not going to abolish email； or puters aren't going to get slower； but things can go in another direction。 Markets do best and work best and deliver what they can do during times of peace。 And if you're not in a time of peace； but you're in some other kind of time； then things won't work as well； and priorities will be elsewhere as well。
DANIEL YERGIN：到911事件为止，虽然有危机和风险，全球化的运动是不可逆转的。911事件以后， 有一种认识认为虽然你不能逆转时钟、不能废止电子邮件、计算机不可能变得更慢，但是事情有可能会转向其它方向。市场在和平时期会运转得最好，充分发挥其作用。但是�