the man versus the state-第3章

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ut　those　higher　ranges　of　intellectual　vision　concerned　with　things　not　presentable　to　the　senses；　and；　among　others；　such　things　as　political　institutions　and　political　measures。　For　when　thinking　of　these；　too；　the　results　of　inadequate　intellectual　faculty；　or　inadequate　culture　of　it；　or　both；　are　erroneous　classings　and　consequent　erroneous　conclusions。　Indeed；　the　liability　to　error　is　here　much　greater；　since　the　things　with　which　the　intellect　is　concerned　do　not　admit　of　examination　in　the　same　easy　way。　You　cannot　touch　or　see　a　political　institution：　it　can　be　known　only　by　an　effort　of　constructive　imagination。　Neither　can　you　apprehend　by　physical　perception　a　political　measure：　this　no　less　requires　a　process　of　mental　representation　by　which　its　elements　are　put　together　in　thought；　and　the　essential　nature　of　the　combination　conceived。　Here；　therefore；　still　more　than　in　the　cases　above　named；　defective　intellectual　vision　is　shown　in　grouping　by　eternal　characters；　or　extrinsic　circumstances。　How　institutions　are　wrongly　classed　from　this　cause；　we　see　in　the　common　notion　that　the　Roman　Republic　was　a　popular　form　of　government。　Look　into　the　early　ideas　of　the　French　revolutionists　who　aimed　at　an　ideal　state　of　freedom；　and　you　find　that　the　political　forms　and　deeds　of　the　Romans　were　their　models；　and　even　now　a　historian　might　be　named　who　instances　the　corruptions　of　the　Roman　Republic　as　showing　us　what　popular　government　leads　to。　Yet　the　resemblance　between　the　institutions　of　the　Romans　and　free　institutions　properly　so…called；　was　less　than　that　between　a　shark　and　a　porpoise　　a　resemblance　of　general　eternal　form　accompanying　widely　different　internal　structures。　For　the　Roman　Government　was　that　of　a　small　oligarchy　within　a　larger　oligarchy：　the　members　of　each　being　unchecked　autocrats。　A　society　in　which　the　relatively　few　men　who　had　political　power；　and　were　in　a　qualified　sense　free；　were　so　many　petty　despots；　holding　not　only　slaves　and　dependents　but　even　children　in　a　bondage　no　less　absolute　than　that　in　which　they　held　their　cattle；　was；　by　its　intrinsic　nature；　more　nearly　allied　to　an　ordinary　despotism　than　to　a　society　of　citizens　politically　equal。　　　　　　Passing　now　to　our　special　question；　we　may　understand　the　kind　of　confusion　in　which　Liberalism　has　lost　itself；　and　the　origin　of　those　mistaken　classings　of　political　measures　which　have　misled　it　classings；　as　we　shall　see；　by　conspicuous　eternal　traits　instead　of　by　internal　natures。　For　what；　in　the　popular　apprehension　and　in　the　apprehension　of　those　who　effected　them；　were　the　changes　made　by　Liberals　in　the　past？　They　were　abolitions　of　grievances　suffered　by　the　people；　or　by　portions　of　them：　this　was　the　common　trait　they　had　which　most　impressed　itself　on　men's　minds。　They　were　mitigations　of　evils　which　had　directly　or　indirectly　been　felt　by　large　classes　of　citizens；　as　causes　of　misery　or　as　hindrances　to　happiness。　And　since；　in　the　minds　of　most；　a　rectified　evil　is　equivalent　to　an　achieved　good；　these　measures　came　to　be　thought　of　as　so　many　positive　benefits；　and　the　welfare　of　the　many　came　to　be　conceived　alike　by　Liberal　statesmen　and　Liberal　voters　as　the　aim　of　Liberalism。　Hence　the　confusion。　The　gaining　of　a　popular　good；　being　the　eternal　conspicuous　trait　common　to　Liberal　measures　in　earlier　days　（then　in　each　case　gained　by　a　relaxation　of　restraints）；　it　has　happened　that　popular　good　has　come　to　be　sought　by　Liberals；　not　as　an　end　to　be　indirectly　gained　by　relaxations　of　restraints；　but　as　the　end　to　be　directly　gained。　And　seeking　to　gain　it　directly；　they　have　used　methods　intrinsically　opposed　to　those　originally　used。　　　　　　And　now；　having　seen　how　this　reversal　of　policy　has　arisen　（or　partial　reversal；　I　should　say；　for　the　recent　Burials　Act　and　the　efforts　to　remove　all　remaining　religious　inequalities；　show　continuance　of　the　original　policy　in　certain　directions）；　let　us　proceed　to　contemplate　the　extent　to　which　it　has　been　carried　during　recent　times；　and　the　still　greater　extent　to　which　the　future　will　see　it　carried　if　current　ideas　and　feelings　continue　to　predominate。　

　　　　Before　proceeding；　it　may　be　well　to　say　that　no　reflections　are　intended　on　the　motives　which　prompted　one　after　another　of　these　various　restraints　and　dictations。　These　motives　were　doubtless　in　nearly　all　cases　good。　It　must　be　admitted　that　the　restrictions　placed　by　an　Act　of　1870；　on　the　employment　of　women　and　children　in　Turkey…red　dyeing　works；　were；　in　intention；　no　less　philanthropic　than　those　of　Edward　VI；　which　prescribed　the　minimum　time　for　which　a　journeyman　should　be　retained。　Without　question；　the　Seed　Supply　（Ireland）　Act　of　1880；　which　empowered　guardians　to　buy　seed　for　poor　tenants；　and　then　to　see　it　properly　planted；　was　moved　by　a　desire　for　public　welfare　no　less　great　than　that　which　in　1533　prescribed　the　number　of　sheep　a　tenant　might　keep；　or　that　of　1597；　which　commanded　that　decayed　houses　of　husbandry　should　be　rebuilt。　Nobody　will　dispute　that　the　various　measures　of　late　years　taken　for　restricting　the　sale　of　intoxicating　liquors；　have　been　taken　as　much　with　a　view　to　public　morals　as　were　the　measures　taken　of　old　for　checking　the　evils　of　luxury；　as；　for　instance；　in　the　fourteenth　century；　when　diet　as　well　as　dress　was　restricted。　Everyone　must　see　that　the　edicts　issued　by　Henry　VIII　to　prevent　the　lower　classes　from　playing　dice；　cards；　bowls；　etc。；　were　not　more　prompted　by　desire　for　popular　welfare　than　were　the　Acts　passed　of　late　to　check　gambling。　　　　　　Further；　I　do　not　intend　here　to　question　the　wisdom　of　these　modern　interferences；　which　Conservatives　and　Liberals　vie　with　one　another　in　multiplying；　any　more　than　to　question　the　wisdom　of　those　ancient　ones　which　they　in　many　cases　resemble。　We　will　not　now　consider　whether　the　plans　of　late　adopted　for　preserving　the　lives　of　sailors；　are　or　are　not　more　judicious　than　that　sweeping　Scotch　measure　which；　in　the　middle　of　the　fifteenth　century；　prohibited　captains　from　leaving　harbour　during　the　winter。　For　the　present；　it　shall　remain　undebated　whether　there　is　a　better　warrant　for　giving　sanitary　officers　powers　to　search　certain　premises　for　unfit　food；　than　there　was　for　the　law　of　Edward　III；　under　which　innkeepers　at　seaports　were　sworn　to　search　their　guests　to　prevent　the　exportation　of　money　or　plate。　We　will　assume　that　there　is　no　less　sense　in　that　clause　of　the　Canal…boat　Act；　which　forbids　an　owner　to　board　gratuitously　the　children　of　the　boatmen；　than　there　was　in　the　Spitalfields　Acts；　which；　up　to　1824；　for　the　benefit　of　the　artisans；　forbade　the　manufacturers　to　fix　their　factories　more　than　ten　miles　from　the　Royal　Exchange。　　　　　　We　exclude；　then；　these　questions　of　philanthropic　motive　and　wise　judgement；　taking　both　of　them　for　granted；　and　have　here　to　concern　ourselves　solely　with　the　compulsory　nature　of　the　measures　which；　for　good　or　evil　as　the　case　may　be；　have　been　put　in　force　during　periods　of　Liberal　ascendancy。　　　　　　To　bring　the　illustrations　within　compass；　let　us　commence　with　1860；　under　the　second　administration　of　Lord　Palmerston。　In　that　year；　the　restrictions　of　t