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Someone observed to me one day； in Philadelphia； that almost all crimes in America are caused by the abuse of intoxicating liquors； which the lower classes can procure in great abundance； from their excessive cheapness。 〃How comes it；〃 said I； 〃that you do not put a duty upon brandy？〃 〃Our legislators；〃 rejoined my informant； 〃have frequently thought of this expedient； but the task of putting it in operation is a difficult one； a revolt might be apprehended； and the members who should vote for a law of this kind would be sure of losing their seats。〃 〃Whence I am to infer；〃 replied I； 〃that the drinking population constitutes the majority in your country； and that temperance is somewhat unpopular。〃
When these things are pointed out to the American statesmen； they content themselves with assuring you that time will operate the necessary change； and that the experience of evil will teach the people its true interests。 This is frequently true； although a democracy is more liable to error than a monarch or a body of nobles； the chances of its regaining the right path when once it has acknowledged its mistake； are greater also； because it is rarely embarrassed by internal interests； which conflict with those of the majority； and resist the authority ofreason。 But a democracy can only obtain truth as the result of experience； and many nations may forfeit their existence whilst they are awaiting the consequences of their errors。
The great privilege of the Americans does not simply consist in their being more enlightened than other nations； but in their being able to repair the faults they may commit。 To which it must be added； that a democracy cannot derive substantial benefit from past experience； unless it be arrived at a certain pitch of knowledge and civilization。 There are tribes and peoples whose education has been so vicious； and whose character presents so strange a mixture of passion； of ignorance； and of erroneous notions upon all subjects； that they are unable to discern the causes of their own wretchedness； and they fall a sacrifice to ills with which they are unacquainted。
I have crossed vast tracts of country that were formerly inhabited by powerful Indian nations which are now extinct； I have myself passed some time in the midst of mutilated tribes； which witness the daily decline of their numerical strength and of the glory of their independence； and I have heard these Indians themselves anticipate the impending doom of their race。 Every European can perceive means which would rescue these unfortunate beings from inevitable destruction。 They alone are insensible to the expedient； they feel the woe which year after year heaps upon their heads； but they will perish to a man without accepting the remedy。 It would be necessary to employ force to induce them to submit to the protection and the constraint of civilization。
The incessant revolutions which have convulsed the South American provinces for the last quarter of a century have frequently been adverted to with astonishment； and expectations have been expressed that those nations would speedily return to their natural state。 But can it be affirmed that the turmoil of revolution is not actually the most natural state of the South American Spaniards at the present time？ In that country society is plunged into difficulties from which all its efforts are insufficient to rescue it。 The inhabitants of that fair portion of the Western Hemisphere seem obstinately bent on pursuing the work of inward havoc。 If they fall into a momentary repose from the effects of exhaustion； that repose prepares them for a fresh state of frenzy。 When I consider their condition； which alternates between misery and crime； I should be inclined to believe that despotism itself would be a benefit to them； if it were possible that the words despotism and benefit could ever be united in my mind。
Conduct Of Foreign Affairs By The American Democracy
Direction given to the foreign policy of the United States by Washington and Jefferson … Almost all the defects inherent in democratic institutions are brought to light in the conduct of foreign affairs … Their advantages are less perceptible。
We have seen that the Federal Constitution entrusts the permanent direction of the external interests of the nation to the President and the Senate； *r which tends in some degree to detach the general foreign policy of the Union from the control of the people。 It cannot therefore be asserted with truth that the external affairs of State are conducted by the democracy。
＇Footnote r： 〃The President；〃 says the Constitution； Art。 II； sect。 2； Section 2； 〃shall have power； by and with the advice and consent of the Senate； to make treaties； provided two…thirds of the senators present concur。〃 The reader is reminded that the senators are returned for a term of six years； and that they are chosen by the legislature of each State。＇
The policy of America owes its rise to Washington； and after him to Jefferson； who established those principles which it observes at the present day。 Washington said in the admirable letter which he addressed to his fellow…citizens； and which may be looked upon as his political bequest to the country： 〃The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is； in extending our commercial relations； to have with them as little political connection as possible。 So far as we have already formed engagements； let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith。 Here let us stop。 Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none； or a very remote relation。 Hence； she must be engaged in frequent controversies； the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns。 Hence； therefore； it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves； by artificial ties； in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics； or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities。 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course。 If we remain one people； under an efficient government； the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance； when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected； when belligerent nations； under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us； will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation； when we may choose peace or war； as our interest； guided by justice； shall counsel。 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation？ Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground？ Why； by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe； entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition； rivalship； interest； humor； or caprice？ It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world； so far； I mean； as we are now at liberty to do it； for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements。 I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs； that honesty is always the best policy。 I repeat it； therefore； let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense； but in my opinion