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xertions may be made； no true power can be founded among men which does not depend upon the free union of their inclinations； and patriotism and religion are the only two motives in the world which can permanently direct the whole of a body politic to one end。
Laws cannot succeed in rekindling the ardor of an extinguished faith； but men may be interested in the fate of their country by the laws。 By this influence the vague impulse of patriotism； which never abandons the human heart； may be directed and revived； and if it be connected with the thoughts； the passions； and the daily habits of life； it may be consolidated into a durable and rational sentiment。
Let it not be said that the time for the experiment is already past； for the old age of nations is not like the old age of men； and every fresh generation is a new people ready for the care of the legislator。
It is not the administrative but the political effects of the local system that I most admire in America。 In the United States the interests of the country are everywhere kept in view； they are an object of solicitude to the people of the whole Union； and every citizen is as warmly attached to them as if they were his own。 He takes pride in the glory of his nation； he boasts of its success； to which he conceives himself to have contributed； and he rejoices in the general prosperity by which he profits。 The feeling he entertains towards the State is analogous to that which unites him to his family； and it is by a kind of egotism that he interests himself in the welfare of his country。
The European generally submits to a public officer because he represents a superior force； but to an American he represents a right。 In America it may be said that no one renders obedience to man； but to justice and to law。 If the opinion which the citizen entertains of himself is exaggerated； it is at least salutary； he unhesitatingly confides in his own powers； which appear to him to be all…sufficient。 When a private individual meditates an undertaking； however directly connected it may be with the welfare of society； he never thinks of soliciting the co…operation of the Government； but he publishes his plan； offers to execute it himself； courts the assistance of other individuals； and struggles manfully against all obstacles。 Undoubtedly he is often less successful than the State might have been in his position； but in the end the sum of these private undertakings far exceeds all that the Government could have done。
As the administrative authority is within the reach of the citizens； whom it in some degree represents； it excites neither their jealousy nor their hatred； as its resources are limited； every one feels that he must not rely solely on its assistance。 Thus； when the administration thinks fit to interfere； it is not abandoned to itself as in Europe； the duties of the private citizens are not supposed to have lapsed because the State assists in their fulfilment； but every one is ready； on the contrary； to guide and to support it。 This action of individual exertions； joined to that of the public authorities； frequently performs what the most energetic central administration would be unable to execute。 It would be easy to adduce several facts in proof of what I advance； but I had rather give only one； with which I am more thoroughly acquainted。 *u In America the means which the authorities have at their disposal for the discovery of crimes and the arrest of criminals are few。 The State police does not exist； and passports are unknown。 The criminal police of the United States cannot be compared to that of France； the magistrates and public prosecutors are not numerous； and the examinations of prisoners are rapid and oral。 Nevertheless in no country does crime more rarely elude punishment。 The reason is； that every one conceives himself to be interested in furnishing evidence of the act committed； and in stopping the delinquent。 During my stay in the United States I witnessed the spontaneous formation of committees for the pursuit and prosecution of a man who had committed a great crime in a certain county。 In Europe a criminal is an unhappy being who is struggling for his life against the ministers of justice； whilst the population is merely a spectator of the conflict； in America he is looked upon as an enemy of the human race； and the whole of mankind is against him。
＇Footnote u： See Appendix； I。＇
I believe that provincial institutions are useful to all nations； but nowhere do they appear to me to be more indispensable than amongst a democratic people。 In an aristocracy order can always be maintained in the midst of liberty； and as the rulers have a great deal to lose order is to them a first…rate consideration。 In like manner an aristocracy protects the people from the excesses of despotism； because it always possesses an organized power ready to resist a despot。 But a democracy without provincial institutions has no security against these evils。 How can a populace； unaccustomed to freedom in small concerns； learn to use it temperately in great affairs？ What resistance can be offered to tyranny in a country where every private individual is impotent； and where the citizens are united by no common tie？ Those who dread the license of the mob； and those who fear the rule of absolute power； ought alike to desire the progressive growth of provincial liberties。
On the other hand； I am convinced that democratic nations are most exposed to fall beneath the yoke of a central administration； for several reasons； amongst which is the following。 The constant tendency of these nations is to concentrate all the strength of the Government in the hands of the only power which directly represents the people； because beyond the people nothing is to be perceived but a mass of equal individuals confounded together。 But when the same power is already in possession of all the attributes of the Government； it can scarcely refrain from penetrating into the details of the administration； and an opportunity of doing so is sure to present itself in the end； as was the case in France。 In the French Revolution there were two impulses in opposite directions； which must never be confounded … the one was favorable to liberty； the other to despotism。 Under the ancient monarchy the King was the sole author of the laws； and below the power of the sovereign certain vestiges of provincial institutions； half destroyed； were still distinguishable。 These provincial institutions were incoherent； ill compacted； and frequently absurd； in the hands of the aristocracy they had sometimes been converted into instruments of oppression。 The Revolution declared itself the enemy of royalty and of provincial institutions at the same time； it confounded all that had preceded it …despotic power and the checks to its abuses … in indiscriminate hatred； and its tendency was at once to overthrow and to centralize。 This double character of the French Revolution is a fact which has been adroitly handled by the friends of absolute power。 Can they be accused of laboring in the cause of despotism when they are defending that central administration which was one of the great innovations of the Re