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hose storms by which it is attended。 But these individuals are ill acquainted with the haven towards which they are bound。 They are so deluded by their recollections； as to judge the tendency of absolute power by what it was formerly； and not by what it might become at the present time。
If absolute power were re…established amongst the democratic nations of Europe； I am persuaded that it would assume a new form； and appear under features unknown to our forefathers。 There was a time in Europe when the laws and the consent of the people had invested princes with almost unlimited authority； but they scarcely ever availed themselves of it。 I do not speak of the prerogatives of the nobility； of the authority of supreme courts of justice； of corporations and their chartered rights； or of provincial privileges； which served to break the blows of the sovereign authority； and to maintain a spirit of resistance in the nation。 Independently of these political institutions … which； however opposed they might be to personal liberty； served to keep alive the love of freedom in the mind of the public； and which may be esteemed to have been useful in this respect … the manners and opinions of the nation confined the royal authority within barriers which were not less powerful； although they were less conspicuous。 Religion； the affections of the people； the benevolence of the prince； the sense of honor； family pride； provincial prejudices； custom； and public opinion limited the power of kings； and restrained their authority within an invisible circle。 The constitution of nations was despotic at that time； but their manners were free。 Princes had the right； but they had neither the means nor the desire； of doing whatever they pleased。
But what now remains of those barriers which formerly arrested the aggressions of tyranny？ Since religion has lost its empire over the souls of men； the most prominent boundary which divided good from evil is overthrown； the very elements of the moral world are indeterminate； the princes and the peoples of the earth are guided by chance； and none can define the natural limits of despotism and the bounds of license。 Long revolutions have forever destroyed the respect which surrounded the rulers of the State； and since they have been relieved from the burden of public esteem； princes may henceforward surrender themselves without fear to the seductions of arbitrary power。
When kings find that the hearts of their subjects are turned towards them； they are clement； because they are conscious of their strength； and they are chary of the affection of their people； because the affection of their people is the bulwark of the throne。 A mutual interchange of good…will then takes place between the prince and the people； which resembles the gracious intercourse of domestic society。 The subjects may murmur at the sovereign's decree； but they are grieved to displease him； and the sovereign chastises his subjects with the light hand of parental affection。
But when once the spell of royalty is broken in the tumult of revolution； when successive monarchs have crossed the throne； so as alternately to display to the people the weakness of their right and the harshness of their power； the sovereign is no longer regarded by any as the Father of the State； and he is feared by all as its master。 If he be weak； he is despised； if he be strong； he is detested。 He himself is full of animosity and alarm； he finds that he is as a stranger in his own country； and he treats his subjects like conquered enemies。
When the provinces and the towns formed so many different nations in the midst of their common country； each of them had a will of its own； which was opposed to the general spirit of subjection； but now that all the parts of the same empire； after having lost their immunities； their customs； their prejudices； their traditions； and their names； are subjected and accustomed to the same laws； it is not more difficult to oppress them collectively than it was formerly to oppress them singly。
Whilst the nobles enjoyed their power； and indeed long after that power was lost； the honor of aristocracy conferred an extraordinary degree of force upon their personal opposition。 They afford instances of men who； notwithstanding their weakness； still entertained a high opinion of their personal value； and dared to cope single…handed with the efforts of the public authority。 But at the present day； when all ranks are more and more confounded； when the individual disappears in the throng； and is easily lost in the midst of a common obscurity； when the honor of monarchy has almost lost its empire without being succeeded by public virtue； and when nothing can enable man to rise above himself； who shall say at what point the exigencies of power and the servility of weakness will stop？
As long as family feeling was kept alive； the antagonist of oppression was never alone； he looked about him； and found his clients； his hereditary friends； and his kinsfolk。 If this support was wanting； he was sustained by his ancestors and animated by his posterity。 But when patrimonial estates are divided； and when a few years suffice to confound the distinctions of a race； where can family feeling be found？ What force can there be in the customs of a country which has changed and is still perpetually changing； its aspect； in which every act of tyranny has a precedent； and every crime an example； in which there is nothing so old that its antiquity can save it from destruction； and nothing so unparalleled that its novelty can prevent it from being done？ What resistance can be offered by manners of so pliant a make that they have already often yielded？ What strength can even public opinion have retained； when no twenty persons are connected by a common tie； when not a man； nor a family； nor chartered corporation； nor class； nor free institution； has the power of representing or exerting that opinion； and when every citizen … being equally weak； equally poor； and equally dependent … has only his personal impotence to oppose to the organized force of the government？
The annals of France furnish nothing analogous to the condition in which that country might then be thrown。 But it may more aptly be assimilated to the times of old； and to those hideous eras of Roman oppression； when the manners of the people were corrupted； their traditions obliterated； their habits destroyed； their opinions shaken； and freedom； expelled from the laws； could find no refuge in the land； when nothing protected the citizens； and the citizens no longer protected themselves； when human nature was the sport of man； and princes wearied out the clemency of Heaven before they exhausted the patience of their subjects。 Those who hope to revive the monarchy of Henry IV or of Louis XIV； appear to me to be afflicted with mental blindness； and when I consider the present condition of several European nations … a condition to which all the others tend … I am led to believe that they will soon be left with no other alternative than democratic liberty； or the tyranny of the Caesars。 *n
＇Footnote n： ＇This prediction of the return of France to imperial despotism； and of the t