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occasional questions with General Herran as the minister
plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary of the Granadian Confederacy；
but in no other character。 No definitive measure or proceeding has
resulted from these communications； and a communication of them at
present would not； in my judgment； be compatible with the public
interest。
ABRAHAM LINCOLN。
TO SECRETARY OF WAR。
WASHINGTON； January 15； 1863。
SECRETARY OF WAR：
Please see Mr。 Stafford； who wants to assist in raising colored
troops in Missouri。
A。 LINCOLN。
PRINTING MONEY
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS。
January 17； 1863。
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES：
I have signed the joint resolution to provide for the immediate
payment of the army and navy of the United States； passed by the
House of Representatives on the 14th and by the Senate on the 15th
instant。
The joint resolution is a simple authority； amounting； however； under
existing circumstances； to a direction； to the Secretary of the
Treasury to make an additional issue of 100；000；000 in United States
notes； if so much money is needed； for the payment of the army and
navy。
My approval is given in order that every possible facility may be
afforded for the prompt discharge of all arrears of pay due to our
soldiers and our sailors。
While giving this approval； however； I think it my duty to express my
sincere regret that it has been found necessary to authorize so large
an additional issue of United States notes； when this circulation and
that of the suspended banks together have become already so redundant
as to increase prices beyond real values； thereby augmenting the cost
of living to the injury of labor； and the cost of supplies to the
injury of the whole country。
It seems very plain that continued issues of United States notes
without any check to the issues of suspended banks； and without
adequate provision for the raising of money by loans and for funding
the issues so as to keep them within due limits； must soon produce
disastrous consequences； and this matter appears to me so important
that I feel bound to avail myself of this occasion to ask the special
attention of Congress to it。
That Congress has power to regulate the currency of the country can
hardly admit of doubt； and that a judicious measure to prevent the
deterioration of this currency； by a seasonable taxation of bank
circulation or otherwise； is needed seems equally clear。
Independently of this general consideration； it would be unjust to
the people at large to exempt banks enjoying the special privilege of
circulation from their just proportion of the public burdens。
In order to raise money by way of loans most easily and cheaply； it
is clearly necessary to give every possible support to the public
credit。 To that end a uniform currency； in which taxes；
subscriptions to loans； and all other ordinary public dues as well as
all private dues may be paid； is almost if not quite indispensable。
Such a currency can be furnished by banking associations organized
under a general act of Congress； as suggested in my message at the
beginning of the present session。 The securing of this circulation
by the pledge of United States bonds； as therein suggested； would
still further facilitate loans； by increasing the present and causing
a future demand for such bonds。
In view of the actual financial embarrassments of the government； and
of the greater embarrassment sure to come if the necessary means of
relief be not afforded； I feel that I should not perform my duty by a
simple announcement of my approval of the joint resolution； which
proposes relief only by increased circulation； without expressing my
earnest desire that measures such in substance as those I have just
referred to may receive the early sanction of Congress。 By such
measures； in my opinion； will payment be most certainly secured； not
only to the army and navy； but to all honest creditors of the
government； and satisfactory provision made for future demands on the
treasury。
ABRAHAM LINCOLN。
TO THE WORKING…MEN OF MANCHESTER； ENGLAND。
EXECUTIVE MANSION； WASHINGTON；
January； 1863。
TO THE WORKING…MEN OF MANCHESTER：
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the address and
resolutions which you sent me on the eve of the new year。 When I
came； on the 4th of March； 1861； through a free and constitutional
election to fireside in the Government of the United States； the
country was found at the verge of civil war。 Whatever might have
been the cause； or whosesoever the fault； one duty； paramount to all
others； was before me； namely； to maintain and preserve at once the
Constitution and the integrity of the Federal Republic。
A conscientious purpose to perform this duty is the key to all the
measures of administration which have been and to all which will
hereafter be pursued。 Under our frame of government and my official
oath； I could not depart from this purpose if I would。 It is not
always in the power of governments to enlarge or restrict the scope
of moral results which follow the policies that they may deem it
necessary for the public safety from time to time to adopt。
I have understood well that the duty of self…preservation rests
solely with the American people； but I have at the same time been
aware that favor or disfavor of foreign nations might have a material
influence in enlarging or prolonging the struggle with disloyal men
in which the country is engaged。 A fair examination of history has
served to authorize a belief that the past actions and influences of
the United States were generally regarded as having been beneficial
toward mankind。 I have； therefore； reckoned upon the forbearance of
nations。 Circumstancesto some of which you kindly alludeinduce
me especially to expect that if justice and good faith should be
practised by the United States； they would encounter no hostile
influence on the part of Great Britain。 It is now a pleasant duty to
acknowledge the demonstration you have given of your desire that a
spirit of amity and peace toward this country may prevail in the
councils of your Queen； who is respected and esteemed in your own
country only more than she is by the kindred nation which has its
home on this side of the Atlantic。
I know and deeply deplore the sufferings which the workingmen at
Manchester； and in all Europe； are called to endure in this crisis。
It has been often and studiously represented that the attempt to
overthrow this government； which was built upon the foundation of
human rights； and to substitute for it one which should rest
exclusively on the basis of human slavery； was likely to obtain the
favor of Europe。 Through the action of our disloyal citizens； the
working…men of Europe have been subjected to severe trials； for the
purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt。