按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！
present men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly
be responsible through time and in eternity。 Is it true； then； that
colored people can displace any more white labor by being free than
by remaining slaves？ If they stay in their old places； they jostle
no white laborers； if they leave their old places； they leave them
open to white laborers。 Logically； there is neither more nor less of
it。 Emancipation； even without deportation； would probably enhance
the wages of white labor； and very surely would not reduce them。
Thus the customary amount of labor would still have to be performed。
The freed people would surely not do more than their old proportion
of it； and very probably for a time would do less； leaving an
increased part to white laborers； bringing their labor into greater
demand； and consequently enhancing the wages of it。 With
deportation； even to a limited extent； enhanced wages to white labor
is mathematically certain。 Labor is like any other commodity in the
market…increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it。
Reduce the supply of black labor by colonizing the black laborer out
of the country； and by precisely so much you increase the demand for
and wages of white labor。
But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover
the whole land。 Are they not already in the land？ Will liberation
make them any more numerous？ Equally distributed among the whites of
the whole country； and there would be but one colored to seven
whites。 Could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven？ There
are many communities now having more than one free colored person to
seven whites； and this without any apparent consciousness of evil
from it。 The District of Columbia and the States of Maryland and
Delaware are all in this condition。 The District has more than one
free colored to six whites； and yet in its frequent petitions to
Congress I believe it has never presented the presence of free
colored persons as one of its grievances。 But why should
emancipation South send the free people North？ People of any color
seldom run unless there be something to run from。 Heretofore colored
people to some extent have fled North from bondage； and now； perhaps；
from both bondage and destitution。 But if gradual emancipation and
deportation be adopted； they will have neither to flee from。 Their
old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be
procured； and the freedmen in turn will gladly give their labor for
the wages till new homes can be found for them in congenial climes
and with people of their own blood and race。 This proposition can be
trusted on the mutual interests involved。 And in any event； cannot
the North decide for itself whether to receive them？
Again； as practice proves more than theory in any case； has there
been any irruption of colored people northward because of the
abolishment of slavery in this District last spring？
What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the
whites in the District is from the census of 1860； having no
reference to persons called contrabands nor to those made free by the
act of Congress abolishing slavery here。
The plan consisting of these articles is recommended； not but that a
restoration of the national authority would be accepted without its
adoption。
Nor will the war nor proceedings under the proclamation of September
22； 1862； be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan。 Its
timely adoption； I doubt not； would bring restoration； and thereby
stay both。
And notwithstanding this plan； the recommendation that Congress
provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt
emancipation before this plan shall have been acted upon is hereby
earnestly renewed。 Such would be only an advance part of the plan；
and the same arguments apply to both。
This plan is recommended as a means； not in exclusion of； but
additional to； all others for restoring and preserving the national
authority throughout the Union。 The subject is presented exclusively
in its economical aspect。 The plan would； I am confident； secure
peace more speedily and maintain it more permanently than can be done
by force alone； while all it would cost； considering amounts and
manner of payment and times of payment； would be easier paid than
will be the additional cost of the war if we rely solely upon force。
It is much； very much； that it would cost no blood at all。
The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law。 It cannot
become such without the concurrence of； first； two thirds of
Congress； and afterwards three fourths of the States。 The requisite
three fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the
slave States。 Their concurrence； if obtained； will give assurance of
their severally adopting emancipation at no very distant day upon the
new constitutional terms。 This assurance would end the struggle now
and save the Union forever。
I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper
addressed to the Congress of the nation by the chief magistrate of
the nation； nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors； nor that
many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of public
affairs。 Yet I trust that in view of the great responsibility
resting upon me you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves in
any undue earnestness I may seem to display。
Is it doubted； then； that the plan I propose； if adopted； would
shorten the war； and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of
blood？ Is it doubted that it would restore the national authority
and national prosperity and perpetuate both indefinitely？ Is it
doubted that we hereCongress and executivecan secure its
adoption？ Will not the good people respond to a united and earnest
appeal from us？ Can we； can they； by any other means so certainly or
so speedily assure these vital objects？ We can succeed only by
concert。 It is not 〃Can any of us imagine better？〃 but 〃Can we all
do better？〃 Object whatsoever is possible； still the question recurs；
〃Can we do better？〃 The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to
the stormy present。 The occasion is piled high with difficulty； and
we must rise with the occasion。 As our case is new； so we must think
anew and act anew。 We must disenthrall ourselves； and then we shall
save our country。
Fellow…citizens； we can not escape history。 We of this Congress and
this administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves。 No
personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of
us。 The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in
honor or dishonor to the latest generation。 We say we are for the
Union。 The world will not forget that we say this。 We know how to
save the Union。 The world knows we do know how to save it。 We； even
we here； hold the power and bear the responsibility。 In giving
freedom to the slave we assure