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this very subject yesterday； and I telegraph him now； but for us here
to control him there on the ground would be a babel of confusion
which would be utterly ruinous。 Where do you understand Buell to be；
and what is he doing？
A。 LINCOLN。
TELEGRAM TO A。 HENRY。
WAR DEPARTMENT； WASHINGTON； D。 C； September 12； 1862。
HON。 ALEXANDER HENRY； Philadelphia：
Yours of to…day received。 General Halleck has made the best
provision he can for generals in Pennsylvania。 Please do not be
offended when I assure you that in my confident belief Philadelphia
is in no danger。 Governor Curtin has just telegraphed me：
〃I have advices that Jackson is crossing the Potomac at Williamsport；
and probably the whole rebel army will be drawn from Maryland。〃
At all events； Philadelphia is more than 150 miles from Hagerstown；
and could not be reached by the rebel army in ten days； if no
hindrance was interposed。
A。 LINCOLN。
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G。 B。 McCLELLAN。
WASHINGTON CITY； D。C。； September 12； 1862。 5。45 PM
MAJOR…GENERAL McCLELLAN：
Governor Curtin telegraphs me：
〃I have advices that Jackson is crossing the Potomac at Wiliiamsport；
and probably the whole rebel army will be down from Maryland。〃
Receiving nothing from Harper's Ferry or Martinsburg to…day； and
positive information from Wheeling that the line is cut； corroborates
the idea that the enemy is crossing the Potomac。 Please do not let
him get off without being hurt。
A。 LINCOLN。
＇But he did！ D。W。＇
REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS OF CHICAGO；
ASKING THAT THE PRESIDENT ISSUE A PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION。
September 13；1862。
The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have
thought much for weeks past； and I may even say for months。 I am
approached with the most opposite opinions and advice； and that by
religious men； who are equally certain that they represent the Divine
will。 I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken
in that belief； and perhaps in some respects both。 I hope it will
not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would
reveal his will to others； on a point so connected with my duty； it
might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me； for； unless I am
more deceived in myself than I often am； it is my earnest desire to
know the will of Providence in this matter。 And if I can learn what
it is I will do it！ These are not； however； the days of miracles；
and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a direct
revelation。 I must study the plain physical facts of the case；
ascertain what is possible； and learn what appears to be wise and
right。
The subject is difficult； and good men do not agree。 For instance；
the other day； four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New
York called as a delegation on business connected with the war； but
before leaving two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general
emancipation； upon which the other two at once attacked them。 You
know also that the last session of Congress had a decided majority of
antislavery men； yet they could not unite on this policy。 And the
same is true of the religious people。 Why； the rebel soldiers are
praying with a great deal more earnestness； I fear； than our own
troops； and expecting God to favor their side： for one of our
soldiers who had been taken prisoner told Senator Wilson a few days
since that he met nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of
those he was among in their prayers。 But we will talk over the
merits of the case。
What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do； especially
as we are now situated？ I do not want to issue a document that the
whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative； like the Pope's
bull against the comet！ Would my word free the slaves； when I cannot
even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States？ Is there a single
court； or magistrate or individual that would be influenced by it
there？ And what reason is there to think it would have any greater
effect upon the slaves than the late law of Congress； which I
approved； and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of
rebel masters who come within our lines？ Yet I cannot learn that
that law has caused a single slave to come over to us。 And suppose
they could be induced by a proclamation of freedom from me to throw
themselves upon us； what should we do with them？ How can we feed and
care for such a multitude？ General Butler wrote me a few days since
that he was issuing more rations to the slaves who have rushed to him
than to all the white troops under his command。 They eat； and that
is all； though it is true General Butler is feeding the whites also
by the thousand； for it nearly amounts to a famine there。 If； now；
the pressure of the war should call off our forces from New Orleans
to defend some other point； what is to prevent the masters from
reducing the blacks to slavery again？ for I am told that whenever
the rebels take any black prisoners； free or slave； they immediately
auction them off。 They did so with those they took from a boat that
was aground in the Tennessee River a few days ago。 And then I am
very ungenerously attacked for it！ For instance； when； after the
late battles at and near Bull Run； an expedition went out from
Washington under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the
wounded； and the rebels seized the blacks who went along to help； and
sent them into slavery； Horace Greeley said in his paper that the
government would probably do nothing about it。 What could I do？
Now； then； tell me； if you please； what possible result of good would
follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire？ Understand；
I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds；
for； as commander…in…chief of the army and navy； in time of war I
suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the
enemy； nor do I urge objections of a moral nature； in view of
possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South。 I
view this matter as a practical war measure； to be decided on
according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the
suppression of the rebellion。
I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion； or at least its
sine qua non。 The ambition of politicians may have instigated them
to act； but they would have been impotent without slavery as their
instrument。 I will also concede that emancipation would help us in
Europe； and convince them that we are incited by something more than
ambition。 I grant； further； that it would help somewhat at the
North； though not so much； I fear； as you and those you represent
imagine。 Still； some additional strength would be added in that way
to the war； and then； unquestionably； it would weaken the rebels by
drawing off their laborers； which is