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the writings-6-第20章

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EXECUTIVE MANSION; WASHINGTON; July 26; 1862。



HON。 REVERDY JOHNSON。



MY DEAR SIR:Yours of the 16th is received。。。。。。。。。。。



You are ready to say I apply to friends what is due only to enemies。

I distrust the wisdom if not the sincerity of friends who would hold

my hands while my enemies stab me。  This appeal of  professed friends

has paralyzed me more in this struggle than any other one thing。  You

remember telling me; the day after the Baltimore mob in April; 1861;

that it would crush all Union feeling in Maryland for me to attempt

bringing troops over Maryland soil to Washington。  I brought the

troops notwithstanding; and yet there was Union feeling enough left

to elect a Legislature the next autumn; which in turn elected a very

excellent Union United States senator! I am a patient manalways

willing to forgive on the Christian terms of repentance; and also to

give ample time for repentance。  Still; I must save this government;

if possible。  What I cannot do; of course; I will not do; but it may

as well be understood; once for all; that I shall not surrender this

game leaving any available card unplayed。



Yours truly;



A。 LINCOLN。









TO CUTHBERT BULLITT。

(Private。)

WASHINGTON; D。 C。; July 28; 1862。





CUTHBERT BULLITT; Esq。; New Orleans; Louisiana。



SIR:The copy of a letter addressed to yourself by Mr。 Thomas J。

Durant has been shown to me。  The writer appears to be an able; a

dispassionate; and an entirely sincere man。  The first part of the

letter is devoted to an effort to show that the secession ordinance

of Louisiana was adopted against the will of a majority of the

people。  This is probably true; and in that fact may be found some

instruction。  Why did they allow the ordinance to go into effect?

Why did they not assert themselves?  Why stand passive and allow

themselves to be trodden down by minority?  Why did they not hold

popular meetings and have a convention of their own to express and

enforce the true sentiment of the State?  If preorganization was

against them then; why not do this now that the United States army is

present to protect them?  The paralysisthe dead palsyof the

government in this whole struggle is that this class of men will do

nothing for the government; nothing for themselves; except demanding

that the government shall not strike its open enemies; lest they be

struck by accident!



Mr。 Durant complains that in various ways the relation of master and

slave is disturbed by the presence of our army; and he considers it

particularly vexatious that this; in part; is done under cover of an

act of Congress; while constitutional guaranties are suspended on the

plea of military necessity。  The truth is; that what is done and

omitted about slaves is done and omitted on the same military

necessity。  It is a military necessity to have men and money; and we

can get neither in sufficient numbers or amounts if we keep from or

drive from our lines slaves coming to them。   Mr。 Durant cannot be

ignorant of the pressure in this direction; nor of my efforts to hold

it within bounds till he and such as he shall have time to help

themselves。



I am not posted to speak understandingly on all the police

regulations of which Mr。 Durant complains。  If experience shows any

one of them to be wrong; let them be set right。  I think I can

perceive in the freedom of trade which Mr。 Durant urges that he would

relieve both friends and enemies from the pressure of the blockade。

By this he would serve the enemy more effectively than the enemy is

able to serve himself。  I do not say or believe that to serve the

enemy is the purpose; of Mr。 Durant; or that he is conscious of any

purpose other than national and patriotic ones。  Still; if there were

a class of men who; having no choice of sides in the contest; were

anxious only to have quiet and comfort for themselves while it rages;

and to fall in with the victorious side at the end of it without loss

to themselves; their advice as to the mode of conducting the contest

would be precisely such as his is。   He speaks of no dutyapparently

thinks of noneresting upon Union men。  He even thinks it injurious

to the Union cause that they should be restrained in trade and

passage without taking sides。  They are to touch neither a sail nor a

pump; but to be merely passengersdeadheads at thatto be carried

snug and dry throughout the storm; and safely landed right side up。

Nay; more: even a mutineer is to go untouched; lest these sacred

passengers receive an accidental wound。  Of course the rebellion will

never be suppressed in Louisiana if the professed Union men there

will neither help to do it nor permit the government to do it without

their help。  Now; I think the true remedy is very different from what

is suggested by Mr。 Durant。  It does not lie in rounding the rough

angles of the war; but in removing the necessity for the war。  The

people of Louisiana who wish protection to person and property have

but to reach forth their hands and take it。  Let them in good faith

reinaugurate the national authority; and set up a State government

conforming thereto under the Constitution。  They know how to do it

and can have the protection of the army while doing it。  The army

will be withdrawn so soon as such State government can dispense with

its presence; and the people of the State can then; upon the old

constitutional terms; govern themselves to their own liking。  This is

very simple and easy。



If they will not do thisif they prefer to hazard all for the sake

of destroying the governmentit is for them to consider whether it

is probable I will surrender the government to save them from losing

all。  If they decline what I suggest; you scarcely need to ask what I

will do。  What would you do in my position?  Would you drop the war

where it is?  Or would you prosecute it in future with elder…stalk

squirts charged with rose water?  Would you deal lighter blows rather

than heavier ones?  Would you give up the contest; leaving any

available means unapplied?  I am in no boastful mood。  I shall not do

more than I can; and I shall do all I can; to save the government;

which is my sworn duty as well as my personal inclination。  I shall

do nothing in malice。  What I deal with is too vast for malicious

dealing。



Yours truly;



A。 LINCOLN。









TO LOYAL GOVERNORS。



WAR DEPARTMENT; WASHINGTON; D。C。;



July 28; 1862。



GOVERNORS OF ALL LOYAL STATES:



It would be of great service here for us to know; as fully as you can

tell; what progress is made and making in recruiting for old

regiments in your State。  Also about what day the first regiments can

move with you; what the second; what the third; and so on。  This

information is important to us in making calculations。   Please give

it as promptly and accurately as you call。



A。 LINCOLN。









BROKEN EGGS CANNOT BE MENDED



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