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of elemental strife。 These； in the accomplishment of your
undertaking； you were summoned to encounter in their most
hideous forms； these you met with that fortitude； and combated
with that perseverance； which you had promised in their
anticipation； these you completely vanquished in establishing
the foundations of New England； and the day which we now
commemorate is the perpetual memorial of your triumph。
It were an occupation peculiarly pleasing to cull from our
early historians； and exhibit before you every detail of this
transaction； to carry you in imagination on board their bark at
the first moment of her arrival in the bay； to accompany
Carver； Winslow； Bradford； and Standish； in all their
excursions upon the desolate coast； to follow them into every
rivulet and creek where they endeavored to find a firm footing；
and to fix； with a pause of delight and exultation； the instant
when the first of these heroic adventurers alighted on the spot
where you； their descendants； now enjoy the glorious and
happy reward of their labors。 But in this grateful task； your
former orators； on this anniversary； have anticipated all that the
most ardent industry could collect； and gratified all that the
most inquisitive curiosity could desire。 To you； my friends；
every occurrence of that momentous period is already familiar。
A transient allusion to a few characteristic instances； which
mark the peculiar history of the Plymouth settlers； may
properly supply the place of a narrative； which； to this
auditory； must be superfluous。
One of these remarkable incidents is the execution of that
instrument of government by which they formed themselves
into a body politic； the day after their arrival upon the coast；
and previous to their first landing。 That is； perhaps； the only
instance in human history of that positive； original social
compact； which speculative philosophers have imagined as the
only legitimate source of government。 Here was a unanimous
and personal assent； by all the individuals of the community； to
the association by which they became a nation。 It was the
result of circumstances and discussions which had occurred
during their passage from Europe； and is a full demonstration
that the nature of civil government； abstracted from the
political institutions of their native country； had been an object
of their serious meditation。 The settlers of all the former
European colonies had contented themselves with the powers
conferred upon them by their respective charters； without
looking beyond the seal of the royal parchment for the measure
of their rights and the rule of their duties。 The founders of
Plymouth had been impelled by the peculiarities of their
situation to examine the subject with deeper and more
comprehensive research。 After twelve years of banishment
from the land of their first allegiance； during which they had
been under an adoptive and temporary subjection to another
sovereign； they must naturally have been led to reflect upon the
relative rights and duties of allegiance and subjection。 They
had resided in a city； the seat of a university； where the
polemical and political controversies of the time were pursued
with uncommon fervor。 In this period they had witnessed the
deadly struggle between the two parties； into which the people
of the United Provinces； after their separation from the crown
of Spain； had divided themselves。 The contest embraced
within its compass not only theological doctrines； but political
principles； and Maurice and Barnevelt were the temporal
leaders of the same rival factions； of which Episcopius and
Polyander were the ecclesiastical champions。
That the investigation of the fundamental principles of
government was deeply implicated in these dissensions is
evident from the immortal work of Grotius； upon the rights of
war and peace； which undoubtedly originated from them。
Grotius himself had been a most distinguished actor and
sufferer in those important scenes of internal convulsion； and
his work was first published very shortly after the departure of
our forefathers from Leyden。 It is well known that in the
course of the contest Mr。 Robinson more than once appeared；
with credit to himself； as a public disputant against Episcopius；
and from the manner in which the fact is related by Governor
Bradford； it is apparent that the whole English Church at
Leyden took a zealous interest in the religious part of the
controversy。 As strangers in the land； it is presumable that
they wisely and honorably avoided entangling themselves in the
political contentions involved with it。 Yet the theoretic
principles； as they were drawn into discussion； could not fail to
arrest their attention； and must have assisted them to form
accurate ideas concerning the origin and extent of authority
among men； independent of positive institutions。 The
importance of these circumstances will not be duly weighed
without taking into consideration the state of opinion then
prevalent in England。 The general principles of government
were there little understood and less examined。 The whole
substance of human authority was centred in the simple
doctrine of royal prerogative； the origin of which was always
traced in theory to divine institution。 Twenty years later； the
subject was more industriously sifted； and for half a century
became one of the principal topics of controversy between the
ablest and most enlightened men in the nation。 The instrument
of voluntary association executed on board the 〃Mayflower〃
testifies that the parties to it had anticipated the improvement
of their nation。
Another incident； from which we may derive occasion for
important reflections； was the attempt of these original settlers
to establish among them that community of goods and of labor；
which fanciful politicians； from the days of Plato to those of
Rousseau； have recommended as the fundamental law of a
perfect republic。 This theory results； it must be acknowledged；
from principles of reasoning most flattering to the human
character。 If industry； frugality； and disinterested integrity
were alike the virtues of all； there would； apparently； be more
of the social spirit； in making all property a common stock； and
giving to each individual a proportional title to the wealth of
the whole。 Such is the basis upon which Plato forbids； in his
Republic； the division of property。 Such is the system upon
which Rousseau pronounces the first man who inclosed a field
with a fence； and said； 〃This is mine；〃 a traitor to the human
species。 A wiser and more useful philosophy； however； directs
us to consider man according to the nature in which he was
formed； subject to infirmities； which no wisdom can remedy； to
weaknesses； which no institution can strengthen； to vices；
which no legislation can correct。 Hence； it becomes obvious
that separate property is the natural and indisputable right of
s