north america-2-第92章

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ach　of　the　poor。　　But　with　us　it　never　stretched　itself　to　such　an　extent　as　it　has　now　achieved　in　the　States。　　The　number　of　letters　for　members　was　limited。　　The　whole　address　was　written　by　the　franking　member　himself；　and　not　much　was　sent　in　this　way　that　was　bulky。　　I　am　disposed　to　think　that　all　government　and　congressional　jobs　in　the　States　bear　the　same　proportion　to　government　and　parliamentary　jobs　which　have　been　in　vogue　among　us。　　There　has　been　an　unblushing　audacity　in　the　public　dishonestywhat　I　may　perhaps　call　the　State　dishonestyat　Washington；　which　I　think　was　hardly　ever　equaled　in　London。　Bribery；　I　know；　was　disgracefully　current　in　the　days　of　Walpole；　of　Newcastle；　and　even　of　Castlereagh；　so　current；　that　no　Englishman　has　a　right　to　hold　up　his　own　past　government　as　a　model　of　purity；　but　the　corruption　with　us　did　blush　and　endeavor　to　hide　itself。　　It　was　disgraceful　to　be　bribed；　if　not　so　to　offer　bribes。　But　at　Washington　corruption　has　been　so　common　that　I　can　hardly　understand　how　any　honest　man　can　have　held　up　his　head　in　the　vicinity　of　the　Capitol　or　of　the　State　office。　But　the　country　has；　I　think；　become　tired　of　this。　　Hitherto　it　has　been　too　busy　about　its　more　important　concerns；　in　extending　commerce；　in　making　railways；　in　providing　education　for　its　youth；　to　think　very　much　of　what　was　being　done　at　Washington。　　While　the　taxes　were　light；　and　property　was　secure；　while　increasing　population　gave　daily　increasing　strength　to　the　nation；　the　people　as　a　body　were　content　with　that　theory　of　being　governed　by　their　little　men。　　They　gave　a　bad　name　to　politicians；　and　allowed　politics；　as　they　say；　to　〃slide。〃　　But　all　this　will　be　altered　now。　　The　tremendous　expenditure　of　the　last　twelve　months　has　allowed　dishonesty　of　so　vast　a　grasp　to　make　its　ravages　in　the　public　pockets　that　the　evil　will　work　its　own　cure。　　Taxes　will　be　very　high；　and　the　people　will　recognize　the　necessity　of　having　honest　men　to　look　after　them。　　The　nation　can　no　longer　afford　to　be　indifferent　about　its　government；　and　will　require　to　know　where　its　money　goes；　and　why　it　goes。　　This　franking　privilege　is　already　doomed；　if　not　already　dead。　　When　I　was　in　Washington；　a　bill　was　passed　through　the　Lower　House　by　which　it　would　be　abolished　altogether。　　When　I　left　America；　its　fate　in　the　Senate　was　still　doubtful；　and　I　was　told　by　many　that　that　bill　would　not　be　allowed　to　become　law　without　sundry　alterations。　　But；　nevertheless；　I　regard　the　franking　privilege　as　doomed；　and　offer　to　the　Washington　post…office　officials　my　best　congratulations　on　their　coming　deliverance。　The　post…office　in　the　States　is　also　burdened　by　another　terrible　political　evil；　which　in　itself　is　so　heavy　that　one　would　at　first　sight　declare　it　to　be　enough　to　prevent　anything　like　efficiency。　The　whole　of　its　staff　is　removable　every　fourth　yearthat　is　to　say；　on　the　election　of　every　new　President；　and　a　very　large　proportion　of　its　staff　is　thus　removed　periodically　to　make　way　for　those　for　whom　a　new　President　is　bound　to　provide；　by　reason　of　their　services　in　sending　him　to　the　White　House。　　They　have　served　him；　and　he　thus　repays　them　by　this　use　of　his　patronage　in　their　favor。　　At　four　hundred　and　thirty…four　post…offices　in　the　States　those　being　the　offices　to　which　the　highest　salaries　are　attached　the　President　has　this　power；　and　exercises　it　as　a　matter　of　course。　　He　has　the　same　power　with　reference；　I　believe；　to　all　the　appointments　held　in　the　post…office　at　Washington。　　This　practice　applies　by　no　means　to　the　post…office　only。　　All　the　government　clerksclerks　employed　by　the　central　government　at　Washingtonare　subject　to　the　same　rule。　　And　the　rule　has　also　been　adopted　in　the　various　States　with　reference　to　State　offices。　To　a　stranger　this　practice　seems　so　manifestly　absurd　that　he　can　hardly　conceive　it　possible　that　a　government　service　should　be　conducted　on　such　terms。　　He　cannot；　in　the　first　place；　believe　that　men　of　sufficient　standing　before　the　world　could　be　found　to　accept　office　under　such　circumstances；　and　is　led　to　surmise　that　men　of　insufficient　standing　must　be　employed；　and　that　there　are　other　allurements　to　the　office　beyond　the　very　moderate　salaries　which　are　allowed。　　He　cannot；　moreover；　understand　how　the　duties　can　be　conducted；　seeing　that　men　must　be　called　on　to　resign　their　places　as　soon　as　they　have　learned　to　make　themselves　useful。　　And；　finally；　he　is　lost　in　amazement　as　he　contemplates　this　barefaced　prostitution　of　the　public　employ　to　the　vilest　purposes　of　political　manoeuvring。　　With　us　also　patronage　has　been　used　for　political　purposes；　and　to　some　small　extent　is　still　so　used。　　We　have　not　yet　sufficiently　recognized　the　fact　that　in　selecting　a　public　servant　nothing　should　be　regarded　but　the　advantage　of　the　service　for　which　he　is　to　be　employed。　　But　we　never；　in　the　lowest　times　of　our　political　corruption；　ventured　to　throw　over　the　question　of　service　altogether；　and　to　declare　publicly　that　the　one　and　only　result　to　be　obtained　by　government　employment　was　political　support。　　In　the　States；　political　corruption　has　become　so　much　a　matter　of　course　that　no　American　seems　to　be　struck　with　the　fact　that　the　whole　system　is　a　system　of　robbery。　From　sheer　necessity　some　of　the　old　hands　are　kept　on　when　these　changes　are　made。　　Were　this　not　done；　the　work　would　come　absolutely　to　a　dead　lock。　　But　as　it　is；　it　may　be　imagined　how　difficult　it　must　be　for　men　to　carry　through　any　improvements　in　a　great　department；　when　they　have　entered　an　office　under　such　a　system；　and　are　liable　to　be　expelled　under　the　same。　　It　is　greatly　to　the　praise　of　those　who　have　been　allowed　to　grow　old　in　the　service　that　so　much　has　been　done。　　No　men；　however；　are　more　apt　at　such　work　than　Americans；　or　more　able　to　exert　themselves　at　their　posts。　　They　are　not　idle。　　Independently　of　any　question　of　remuneration；　they　are　not　indifferent　to　the　well…being　of　the　work　they　have　in　hand。　　They　are　good　public　servants；　unless　corruption　come　in　their　way。　While　speaking　on　the　subject　of　patronage；　I　cannot　but　allude　to　two　appointments　which　had　been　made　by　political　interest；　and　with　the　circumstances　of　which　I　became　acquainted。　　In　both　instances　a　good　place　had　been　given　to　a　gentleman　by　the　incoming　President　not　in　return　for　political　support；　but　from　motives　of　private　friendshipeither　his　own　friendship　or　that　of　some　mutual　friend。　In　both　instances　I　heard　the　selection　spoken　of　with　the　warmest　praise；　as　though　a　noble　act　had　been　done　in　the　selection　of　a　private　friend　instead　of　a　political　partisan。　　And　yet　in　each　case　a　man　was　appointed　who　knew　nothing　of　his　work；　who；　from　age　and　circumstances；　was　not　likely　to　become　acquainted　with　his　work；　who；　by　his　appointment；　kept　out　of　the　place　those　who　did　understand　the　work；　and　had　earned　a　right　to　promotion　by　so　understanding　it。　　Two　worthy　gentlemenfor　they　were　both　worthy　were　pensioned　on　the　government　for　a　term　of　years　under　a　false　pretense。　　That　this　should　have　been　done　is　not　perhaps　remarkable；　but　it　did　seem　remarkable　to　me　that　everybody