north america-2-第76章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


annot　be　taken　as　perfect。　　The　government　has　become　greater　than　seems　to　have　been　contemplated　when　that　code　was　drawn　up。　It　has　spread　itself　as　it　were　over　a　wider　surface；　and　has　extended　to　matters　which　it　was　not　necessary　then　to　touch。　　That　theory　of　governing　by　the　means　of　little　men　was　very　well　while　the　government　itself　was　small。　　A　President　and　his　clerks　may　have　sufficed　when　there　were　from　thirteen　to　eighteen　States；　while　there　were　no　Territories；　or　none　at　least　that　required　government；　while　the　population　was　still　below　five　millions；　while　a　standing　army　was　an　evil　not　known　and　not　feared；　while　foreign　politics　was　a　troublesome　embroglio　in　which　it　was　quite　unnecessary　that　the　United　States　should　take　a　part。　　Now　there　are　thirty…four　States。　　The　territories　populated　by　American　citizens　stretch　from　the　States　on　the　Atlantic　to　those　on　the　Pacific。　　There　is　a　population　of　thirty　million　souls。　　At　the　present　moment　the　United　States　are　employing　more　soldiers　than　any　other　nation；　and　have　acknowledged　the　necessity　of　maintaining　a　large　army　even　when　the　present　troubles　shall　be　over。　　In　addition　to　this　the　United　States　have　occasion　for　the　use　of　statecraft　with　all　the　great　kingdoms　of　Europe。　　That　theory　of　ruling　by　little　men　will　not　do　much　longer。　　It　will　be　well　that　they　should　bring　forth　their　big　men　and　put　them　in　the　place　of　rulers。　The　President　has　at　present　seven　ministers。　　They　are　the　Secretary　of　State；　who　is　supposed　to　have　the　direction　of　foreign　affairs；　the　Secretary　of　the　Treasury；　who　answers　to　our　Chancellor　of　the　Exchequer；　the　Secretaries　of　the　Army　and　of　the　Navy；　the　Minister　of　the　Interior；　the　Attorney…General；　and　the　Postmaster…General。　　If　these　officers　were　allowed　to　hold　seats　in　one　House　or　the　otheror　rather　if　the　President　were　enjoined　to　place　in　these　offices　men　who　were　known　as　members　of　Congress；　not　only　would　the　position　of　the　President's　ministers　be　enhanced　and　their　weight　increased；　but　the　position　also　of　Congress　would　be　enhanced　and　the　weight　of　Congress　would　be　increased。　　I　may；　perhaps；　best　exemplify　this　by　suggesting　what　would　be　the　effect　on　our　Parliament　by　withdrawing　from　it　the　men　who　at　the　present　momentor　at　any　momentform　the　Queen's　cabinet。　　I　will　not　say　that　by　adding　to　Congress　the　men　who　usually　form　the　President's　cabinet；　a　weight　would　be　given　equal　to　that　which　the　withdrawal　of　the　British　cabinet　would　take　from　the　British　Parliament。　　I　cannot　pay　that　compliment　to　the　President's　choice　of　servants。　But　the　relationship　between　Congress　and　the　President's　ministers　would　gradually　come　to　resemble　that　which　exists　between　Parliament　and　the　Queen's　ministers。　　The　Secretaries　of　State　and　of　the　Treasury　would　after　awhile　obtain　that　honor　of　leading　the　Houses　which　is　exercised　by　our　high　political　officers；　and　the　dignity　added　to　the　positions　would　make　the　places　worthy　of　the　acceptance　of　great　men。　　It　is　hardly　so　at　present。　　The　career　of　one　of　the　President's　ministers　is　not　a　very　high　career　as　things　now　stand；　nor　is　the　man　supposed　to　have　achieved　much　who　has　achieved　that　position。　　I　think　it　would　be　otherwise　if　the　ministers　were　the　leaders　of　the　legislative　houses。　　To　Congress　itself　would　be　given　the　power　of　questioning　and　ultimately　of　controlling　these　ministers。　　The　power　of　the　President　would　no　doubt　be　diminished　as　that　of　Congress　would　be　increased。　　But　an　alteration　in　that　direction　is　in　itself　desirable。　　It　is　the　fault　of　the　present　system　of　government　in　the　United　States　that　the　President　has　too　much　of　power　and　weight；　while　the　Congress　of　the　nation　lacks　power　and　weight。　　As　matters　now　stand；　Congress　has　not　that　dignity　of　position　which　it　should　hold；　and　it　is　without　it　because　it　is　not　endowed　with　that　control　over　the　officers　of　the　government　which　our　Parliament　is　enabled　to　exercise。　The　want　of　this　close　connection　with　Congress　and　the　President's　ministers　has　been　so　much　felt　that　it　has　been　found　necessary　to　create　a　medium　of　communication。　　This　has　been　done　by　a　system　which　has　now　become　a　recognized　part　of　the　machinery　of　the　government；　but　which　is；　I　believe；　founded　on　no　regularly　organized　authority；　at　any　rate；　no　provision　is　made　for　it　in　the　Constitution；　nor；　as　far　as　I　am　aware；　has　it　been　established　by　any　special　enactment　or　written　rule。　　Nevertheless；　I　believe　I　am　justified　in　saying　that　it　has　become　a　recognized　link　in　the　system　of　government　adopted　by　the　United　States。　　In　each　House　standing　committees　are　named；　to　which　are　delegated　the　special　consideration　of　certain　affairs　of　State。　　There　are；　for　instance；　Committees　of　Foreign　Affairs；　of　Finance；　the　Judiciary　Committee；　and　others　of　a　similar　nature。　　To　these　committees　are　referred　all　questions　which　come　before　the　House　bearing　on　the　special　subject　to　which　each　is　devoted。　　Questions　of　taxation　are　referred　to　the　Finance　Committee　before　they　are　discussed　in　the　House；　and　the　House；　when　it　goes　into　such　discussion；　has　before　it　the　report　of　the　committee。　　In　this　way　very　much　of　the　work　of　the　legislature　is　done　by　branches　of　each　House；　and　by　selected　men　whose　time　and　intellects　are　devoted　to　special　subjects。　　It　is　easy　to　see　that　much　time　and　useless　debate　may　be　thus　saved；　and　I　am　disposed　to　believe　that　this　system　of　committees　has　worked　efficiently　and　beneficially。　　The　mode　of　selection　of　the　members　has　been　so　contrived　as　to　give　to　each　political　party　that　amount　of　preponderance　in　each　committee　which　such　party　holds　in　the　House。　　If　the　Democrats　have　in　the　Senate　a　majority；　it　would　be　within　their　power　to　vote　none　but　Democrats　into　the　Committee　on　Finance；　but　this　would　be　manifestly　unjust　to　the　Republican　party；　and　the　injustice　would　itself　frustrate　the　object　of　the　party　in　power；　therefore　the　Democrats　simply　vote　to　themselves　a　majority　in　each　committee；　keeping　to　themselves　as　great　a　preponderance　in　the　committee　as　they　have　in　the　whole　House；　and　arranging　also　that　the　chairman　of　the　committee　shall　belong　to　their　own　party。　　By　these　committees　the　chief　legislative　measures　of　the　country　are　originated　and　inaugurated；　as　they　are　with　us　by　the　ministers　of　the　Crown；　and　the　chairman　of　each　committee　is　supposed　to　have　a　certain　amicable　relation　with　that　minister　who　presides　over　the　office　with　which　his　committee　is　connected。　　Mr。　Sumner　is　at　present　chairman　of　the　Committee　on　Foreign　Affairs；　and　he　is　presumed　to　be　in　connection　with　Mr。　Seward；　who；　as　Secretary　of　State；　has　the　management　of　the　foreign　relations　of　the　government。　But　it　seems　to　me　that　this　supposed　connection　between　the　committees　and　the　ministers　is　only　a　makeshift；　showing　by　its　existence　the　absolute　necessity　of　close　communication　between　the　executive　and　the　legislative；　but　showing　also　by　its　imperfections　the　great　want　of　some　better　method　of　communication。　　In　the　first　place；　the　chairman　of　the　committee　is　in　no　way　bound　to　hold　any　communicat