north america-2-第71章

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e　our　opinion；　although　the　nation　is　at　the　present　burdened　by　so　heavy　a　load　of　troubles。　　That　any　written　constitution　should　serve　its　purposes　and　maintain　its　authority　in　a　nation　for　a　dozen　years　is　in　itself　much　for　its　framers。　　Where　are　now　the　constitutions　which　were　written　for　France？　　But　this　Constitution　has　so　wound　itself　into　the　affections　of　the　people；　has　become　a　mark　for　such　reverence　and　love；　has；　after　a　trial　of　three…quarters　of　a　century；　so　recommended　itself　to　the　judgment　of　men；　that　the　difficulty　consists　in　touching　it；　not　in　keeping　it。　　Eighteen　or　twenty　millions　of　people　who　have　lived　under　it；in　what　way　do　they　regard　it？　　Is　not　that　the　best　evidence　that　can　be　had　respecting　it？　　Is　it　to　them　an　old　woman's　story；　a　useless　parchment；　a　thing　of　old　words　at　which　all　must　now　smile？　　Heaven　mend　them；　if　they　reverence　it　more；　as　I　fear　they　do；　than　they　reverence　their　Bible。　　For　them；　after　seventy…five　years　of　trial；　it　has　almost　the　weight　of　inspiration。　　In　this　respect；　with　reference　to　this　worship　of　the　work　of　their　forefathers；　they　may　be　in　error。　　But　that　very　error　goes　far　to　prove　the　excellence　of　the　code。　　When　a　man　has　walked　for　six　months　over　stony　ways　in　the　same　boots；　he　will　be　believed　when　he　says　that　his　boots　are　good　boots。　　No　assertion　to　the　contrary　from　any　by…stander　will　receive　credence；　even　though　it　be　shown　that　a　stitch　or　two　has　come　undone；　and　that　some　required　purpose　has　not　effectually　been　carried　out。　　The　boots　have　carried　the　man　over　his　stony　roads　for　six　months；　and　they　must　be　good　boots。　　And　so　I　say　that　the　Constitution　must　be　a　good　constitution。　As　to　that　positive　breach　of　the　Constitution　which　has；　as　I　maintain；　been　committed　by　the　present　government；　although　I　have　been　at　some　trouble　to　prove　it；　I　must　own　that　I　do　not　think　very　much　of　it。　　It　is　to　be　lamented；　but　the　evil　admits；　I　think；　of　easy　repair。　　It　has　happened　at　a　period　of　unwonted　difficulty；　when　the　minds　of　men　were　intent　rather　on　the　support　of　that　nationality　which　guarantees　their　liberties；　than　on　the　enjoyment　of　those　liberties　themselves；　and　the　fault　may　be　pardoned　if　it　be　acknowledged。　　But　it　is　essential　that　it　should　be　acknowledged。　　In　such　a　matter　as　that　there　should　at　any　rate　be　no　doubt。　　Now；　in　this　very　year　of　the　rebellion；　it　may　be　well　that　no　clamor　against　government　should　arise　from　the　people；　and　thus　add　to　the　difficulties　of　the　nation。　　But　it　will　be　bad；　indeed；　for　the　nation　if　such　a　fault　shall　have　been　committed　by　this　government　and　shall　be　allowed　to　pass　unacknowledged；　unrebukedas　though　it　were　a　virtue　and　no　fault。　　I　cannot　but　think　that　the　time　will　soon　come　in　which　Mr。　Seward's　reading　of　the　Constitution　and　Mr。　Lincoln's　assumption　of　illegal　power　under　that　reading　will　receive　a　different　construction　in　the　States　than　that　put　upon　it　by　Mr。　Binney。　But　I　have　admitted　that　the　Constitution　itself　is　not　perfect。　　It　seems　to　me　that　it　requires　to　be　amended　on　two　separate　points　especially　on　two；　and　I　cannot　but　acknowledge　that　there　would　be　great　difficulty　in　making　such　amendments。　　That　matter　of　direct　taxation　is　the　first。　　As　to　that　I　shall　speak　again　in　referring　to　the　financial　position　of　the　country。　　I　think；　however；　that　it　must　be　admitted；　in　any　discussion　held　on　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States；　that　the　theory　of　taxation　as　there　laid　down　will　not　suffice　for　the　wants　of　a　great　nation。　　If　the　States　are　to　maintain　their　ground　as　a　great　national　power；　they　must　agree　among　themselves　to　bear　the　cost　of　such　greatness。　　While　a　custom　duty　was　sufficient　for　the　public　wants　of　the　United　States；　this　fault　in　the　Constitution　was　not　felt。　　But　now　that　standing　armies　have　been　inaugurated；　that　iron…clad　ships　are　held　as　desirable；　that　a　great　national　debt　has　been　founded；　custom　duties　will　suffice　no　longer；　nor　will　excise　duties　suffice。　Direct　taxation　must　be　levied；　and　such　taxation　cannot　be　fairly　levied　without　a　change　in　the　Constitution。　　But　such　a　change　may　be　made　in　direct　accordance　with　the　spirit　of　the　Constitution；　and　the　necessity　for　such　an　alteration　cannot　be　held　as　proving　any　inefficiency　in　the　original　document　for　the　purposes　originally　required。　As　regards　the　other　point　which　seems　to　me　to　require　amendment；　I　must　acknowledge　that　I　am　about　to　express　simply　my　own　opinion。　Should　Americans　read　what　I　write；　they　may　probably　say　that　I　am　recommending　them　to　adopt　the　blunders　made　by　the　English　in　their　practice　of　government。　　Englishmen；　on　the　other　hand；　may　not　improbably　conceive　that　a　system　which　works　well　here　under　a　monarchy；　would　absolutely　fail　under　a　presidency　of　four　years'　duration。　　Nevertheless　I　will　venture　to　suggest　that　the　government　of　the　United　States　would　be　improved　in　all　respects　if　the　gentlemen　forming　the　President's　cabinet　were　admitted　to　seats　in　Congress。　　At　present　they　are　virtually　irresponsible。　　They　are　constitutionally　little　more　than　head　clerks。　　This　was　all　very　well　while　the　government　of　the　United　States　was　as　yet　a　small　thing；　but　now　it　is　no　longer　a　small　thing。　　The　President　himself　cannot　do　all；　nor　can　he　be　in　truth　responsible　for　all。　　A　cabinet；　such　as　is　our　cabinet；　is　necessary　to　him。　　Such　a　cabinet　does　exist；　and　the　members　of　it　take　upon　themselves　the　honors　which　are　given　to　our　cabinet　ministers。　　But　they　are　exempted　from　all　that　parliamentary　contact　which；　in　fact；　gives　to　our　cabinet　ministers　their　adroitness；　their　responsibility；　and　their　position　in　the　country。　　On　this　subject　also　I　must　say　another　word　or　two　farther　on。　But　how　am　I　to　excuse　the　Constitution　on　those　points　as　to　which　it　has；　as　I　have　said；　fallen　through；　in　respect　to　which　it　has　shown　itself　to　be　inefficient　by　the　weakness　of　its　own　words？　Seeing　that　all　the　executive　power　is　intrusted　to　the　President；　it　is　especially　necessary　that　the　choice　of　the　President　should　be　guarded　by　constitutional　enactments；　that　the　President　should　be　chosen　in　such　a　manner　as　may　seem　best　to　the　concentrated　wisdom　of　the　country。　　The　President　is　placed　in　his　seat　for　four　years。　　For　that　term　he　is　irremovable。　　He　acts　without　any　majority　in　either　of　the　legislative　houses。　　He　must　state　reasons　for　his　conduct；　but　he　is　not　responsible　for　those　reasons。　　His　own　judgment　is　his　sole　guide。　　No　desire　of　the　people　can　turn　him　out；　nor　need　he　fear　any　clamor　from　the　press。　　If　an　officer　so　high　in　power　be　needed；　at　any　rate　the　choice　of　such　an　officer　should　be　made　with　the　greatest　care。　　The　Constitution　has　decreed　how　such　care　should　be　exercised；　but　the　Constitution　has　not　been　able　to　maintain　its　own　decree。　　The　constituted　electors　of　the　President　have　become　a　mere　name；　and　that　officer　is　chosen　by　popular　election；　in　opposition　to　the　intention　of　those　who　framed　the　Constitution。　　The　effect　of　this　may　be　seen　in　the　characters　of　the　men　so　chosen。　　Washington；　Jefferson；　Madison；　the　two　Adamses；　and　Jackson　wer