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north america-2-第68章
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of the Constitution at the present day has been very disastrous。 It has taught those who have not been close observers of the American struggle to believe that; after all; the Americans are indifferent as to their liberties。 Such pranks have been played before high heaven by men utterly unfitted for the use of great power; as have scared all the nations。 Mr。 Lincoln; the President by whom this unconstitutional act has been done; apparently delegated his assumed authority to his minister; Mr。 Seward。 Mr。 Seward has reveled in the privilege of unrestrained arrests; and has locked men up with reason and without。 He has instituted passports and surveillance; and placed himself at the head of an omnipresent police system with all the gusto of a Fouche; though luckily without a Fouche's craft or cunning。 The time will probably come when Mr。 Seward must pay for thisnot with his life or liberty; but with his reputation and political name。 But in the mean time his lettres de cachet have run everywhere through the States。 The pranks which he played were absurd; and the arrests which he made were grievous。 After awhile; when it became manifest that Mr。 Seward had not found a way to success; when it was seen that he had inaugurated no great mode of putting down rebellion; he apparently lost his power in the cabinet。 The arrests ceased; the passports were discontinued; and the prison doors were gradually opened。 Mr。 Seward was deposed; not from the cabinet; but from the premiership of the cabinet。 The suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus was not countermanded; but the operation of the suspension was allowed to become less and less onerous; and now; in April; 1862; within a year of the commencement of the suspension; it has; I think; nearly died out。 The object in hand now is rather that of getting rid of political prisoners than of taking others。 This assumption by the government of an unconstitutional power has; as I have said; taught many lookers on to think that the Americans are indifferent to their liberties。 I myself do not believe that such a conclusion would be just。 During the present crisis the strong feeling of the peoplethat feeling which for the moment has been dominanthas been one in favor of the government as against rebellion。 There has been a passionate resolution to support the nationality of the nation。 Men have felt that they must make individual sacrifices; and that such sacrifices must include a temporary suspension of some of their constitutional rights。 But I think that this temporary suspension is already regarded with jealous eyes; with an increasing jealousy which will have created a reaction against such policy as that which Mr。 Seward has attemped; long before the close of Mr。 Lincoln's Presidency。 I know that it is wrong in a writer to commit himself to prophecies; but I find it impossible to write upon this subject without doing so。 As I must express a surmise on this subject; I venture to prophesy that the Americans of the States will soon show that they are not indifferent to the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus。 On that matter of the illegality of the suspension by the President; I feel in my own mind that there is no doubt。 The second article of the Constitution treats of the executive; and is very short。 It places the whole executive power in the hands of the President; and explains with more detail the mode in which the President shall be chosen than the manner after which the duties shall be performed。 The first section states that the executive shall be vested in a President; who shall hold his office for four years。 With him shall be chosen a Vice…President。 I may here explain that the Vice…President; as such; has no power either political or administrative。 He is; ex…officio; the Speaker of the Senate; and should the President die; or be by other cause rendered unable to act as President; the Vice…President becomes President either for the remainder of the presidential term or for the period of the President's temporary absence。 Twice; since the Constitution was written; the President has died and the Vice…President has taken his place。 No President has vacated his position; even for a period; through any cause other than death。 Then come the rules under which the President and Vice…President shall be electedwith reference to which there has been an amendment of the Constitution subsequent to the fourth Presidential election。 This was found to be necessary by the circumstances of the contest between John Adams; Thomas Jefferson; and Aaron Burr。 It was then found that the complications in the method of election created by the original clause were all but unendurable; and the Constitution was amended。 I will not describe in detail the present mode of election; as the doing so would be tedious and unnecessary。 Two facts I wish; however; to make specially noticeable and clear。 The first is; that the President of the United States is now chosen by universal suffrage; and the second is; that the Constitution expressly intended that the President should not be chosen by universal suffrage; but by a body of men who should enjoy the confidence and fairly represent the will of the people。 The framers of the Constitution intended so to write the words that the people themselves should have no more immediate concern in the nomination of the President than in that of the Senate。 They intended to provide that the election should be made in a manner which may be described as thoroughly conservative。 Those words; however; have been inefficient for their purpose。 They have not been violated。 But the spirit has been violated; while the words have been held sacred; and the presidential elections are now conducted on the widest principles of universal suffrage。 They are essentially democratic。 The arrangement; as written in the Constitution; is that each State shall appoint a body of electors equal in number to the Senators and Representatives sent by that State to Congress; and that thus a body or college of electors shall be formed equal in number to the two joint Houses of Congress; by which the President shall be elected。 No member of Congress; however; can be appointed an elector。 Thus New York; with thirty…three Representatives in the Lower House; would name thirty…five electors; and Rhode Island; with two members in the Lower House; would name four electorsin each case two being added for the two Senators。 It may; perhaps; be doubted whether this theory of an election by electors has ever been truly carried out。 It was probably the case even at the election of the first Presidents after Washington; that the electors were pledged in some informal way as to the candidate for whom they should vote; but the very idea of an election by electors has been abandoned since the Presidency of General Jackson。 According to the theory of the Constitution; the privilege and the duty of selecting a best man as President was to be delegated to certain best men chosen for that purpose。 This was the intention of those who framed the Constitution。 It may; as I have said; be doubted whether this theory has ever availed for action; but since the days of
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