north america-2-第106章

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ed　States　Senate；　American　gentlemen　have　received　my　remark　with　a　slight　demur；　and　have　then　proceeded　to　argue　the　case。　　Six　months　before　they　would　have　declared　against　me　and　not　have　argued。　I　will　leave　it　to　Americans　themselves　to　say　whether　that　disintegration　of　the　States　will；　should　it　ever　be　realized；　imply　that　they　have　failed　in　their　political　undertaking。　　If　they　do　not　protest　that　it　argues　failure；　I　do　not　think　that　their　feelings　will　be　hurt　by　such　protestations　on　the　part　of　others。　I　have　said　that　the　blunder　made　by　the　founders　of　the　nation　with　regard　to　slavery　has　brought　with　it　this　secession　as　its　punishment。　　But　such　punishments　come　generally　upon　nations　as　great　mercies。　　Ireland's　famine　was　the　punishment　of　her　imprudence　and　idleness；　but　it　has　given　to　her　prosperity　and　progress。　　And　indeed；　to　speak　with　more　logical　correctness；　the　famine　was　no　punishment　to　Ireland；　nor　will　secession　be　a　punishment　to　the　Northern　States。　　In　the　long　result；　step　will　have　gone　on　after　step；　and　effect　will　have　followed　cause；　till　the　American　people　will　at　last　acknowledge　that　all　these　matters　have　been　arranged　for　their　advantage　and　promotion。　　It　may　be　that　a　nation　now　and　then　goes　to　the　wall；　and　that　things　go　from　bad　to　worse　with　a　large　people。　　It　has　been　so　with　various　nations；　and　with　many　people　since　history　was　first　written。　　But　when　it　has　been　so；　the　people　thus　punished　have　been　idle　and　bad。　　They　have　not　only　done　evil　in　their　generation；　but　have　done　more　evil　than　good；　and　have　contributed　their　power　to　the　injury　rather　than　to　the　improvement　of　mankind。　　It　may　be　that　this　or　that　national　fault　may　produce　or　seem　to　produce　some　consequent　calamity。　　But　the　balance　of　good　or　evil　things　which　fall　to　a　people's　share　will　indicate　with　certainty　their　average　conduct　as　a　nation。　　The　one　will　be　the　certain　sequence　of　the　other。　　If　it　be　that　the　Americans　of　the　Northern　States　have　done　well　in　their　time；　that　they　have　assisted　in　the　progress　of　the　world；　and　made　things　better　for　mankind　rather　than　worse；　then　they　will　come　out　of　this　trouble　without　eventual　injury。　　That　which　came　in　the　guise　of　punishment　for　a　special　fault；　will　be　a　part　of　the　reward　resulting　from　good　conduct　in　the　general。　　And　as　to　this　matter　of　slavery；　in　which　I　think　that　they　have　blundered　both　politically　and　morally；　has　it　not　been　found　impossible　hitherto　for　them　to　cleanse　their　hands　of　that　taint？　But　that　which　they　could　not　do　for　themselves　the　course　of　events　is　doing　for　them。　　If　secession　establish　herself；　though　it　be　only　secession　of　the　Gulf　States；　the　people　of　the　United　States　will　soon　be　free　from　slavery。　In　judging　of　the　success　or　want　of　success　of　any　political　institutions　or　of　any　form　of　government；　we　should　be　guided；　I　think；　by　the　general　results；　and　not　by　any　abstract　rules　as　to　the　right　or　wrong　of　those　institutions　or　of　that　form。　　It　might　be　easy　for　a　German　lawyer　to　show　that　our　system　of　trial　by　jury　is　open　to　the　gravest　objections；　and　that　it　sins　against　common　sense。　　But　if　that　system　gives　us　substantial　justice；　and　protects　us　from　the　tyranny　of　men　in　office；　the　German　will　not　succeed　in　making　us　believe　that　it　is　a　bad　system。　　When　looking　into　the　matter　of　the　schools　at　Boston；　I　observed　to　one　of　the　committee　of　management　that　the　statements　with　which　I　was　supplied；　though　they　told　me　how　many　of　the　children　went　to　school；　did　not　tell　me　how　long　they　remained　at　school。　　The　gentleman　replied　that　that　information　was　to　be　obtained　from　the　result　of　the　schooling　of　the　population　generally。　　Every　boy　and　girl　around　him　could　read　and　write；　and　could　enjoy　reading　and　writing。　　There　was　therefore　evidence　to　show　that　they　remained　at　school　sufficiently　long　for　the　required　purposes。　　It　was　fair　that　I　should　judge　of　the　system　from　the　results。　　Here；　in　England；　we　generally　object　to　much　that　the　Americans　have　adopted　into　their　form　of　government；　and　think　that　many　of　their　political　theories　are　wrong。　　We　do　not　like　universal　suffrage。　We　do　not　like　a　periodical　change　in　the　first　magistrate；　and　we　like　quite　as　little　a　periodical　permanence　in　the　political　officers　immediately　under　the　chief　magistrate；　we　are；　in　short；　wedded　to　our　own　forms；　and　therefore　opposed　by　judgment　to　forms　differing　from　our　own。　　But　I　think　we　all　acknowledge　that　the　United　States；　burdened　as　they　are　with　these　political　evilsas　we　think　themhave　grown　in　strength　and　material　prosperity　with　a　celerity　of　growth　hitherto　unknown　among　nations。　　We　may　dislike　Americans　personally；　we　may　find　ourselves　uncomfortable　when　there；　and　unable　to　sympathize　with　them　when　away。　　We　may　believe　them　to　be　ambitious；　unjust；　self…idolatrous；　or　irreligious；　but　unless　we　throw　our　judgment　altogether　overboard；　we　cannot　believe　them　to　be　a　weak　people；　a　poor　people；　a　people　with　low　spirits　or　with　idle　hands。　　Now　to　what　is　it　that　the　government　of　a　country　should　chiefly　look？　　What　special　advantages　do　we　expect　from　our　own　government？　　Is　it　not　that　we　should　be　safe　at　home　and　respected　abroadthat　laws　should　be　maintained；　but　that　they　should　be　so　maintained　that　they　should　not　be　oppressive？　　There　are；　doubtless；　countries　in　which　the　government　professes　to　do　much　more　than　this　for　its　peoplecountries　in　which　the　government　is　paternal；　in　which　it　regulates　the　religion　of　the　people；　and　professes　to　enforce　on　all　the　national　children　respect　for　the　governors；　teachers；　spiritual　pastors；　and　masters。　But　that　is　not　our　idea　of　a　government。　　That　is　not　what　we　desire　to　see　established　among　ourselves　or　established　among　others。　　Safety　from　foreign　foes；　respect　from　foreign　foes　and　friends；　security　under　the　law　and　security　from　the　law；　this　is　what　we　expect　from　our　government；　and　if　I　add　to　this　that　we　expect　to　have　these　good　things　provided　at　a　fairly　moderate　cost；　I　think　I　have　exhausted　the　list　of　our　requirements。　　I　hardly　think　that　we　even　yet　expect　the　government　to　take　the　first　steps　in　the　rudimentary　education　of　the　people。　　We　certainly　do　not　expect　it　to　make　the　people　religious；　or　to　keep　them　honest。　And　if　the　Americans　with　their　form　of　government　have　done　for　themselves　all　that　we　expect　our　government　to　do　for　us；　if　they　have　with　some　fair　approach　to　general　excellence　obtained　respect　abroad　and　security　at　home　from　foreign　foes；　if　they　have　made　life；　liberty；　and　property　safe　under　their　laws；　and　have　also　so　written　and　executed　their　laws　as　to　secure　their　people　from　legal　oppression；I　maintain　that　they　are　entitled　to　a　verdict　in　their　favor；　let　us　object　as　we　may　to　universal　suffrage；　to　four　years'　Presidents　and　four　years'　presidential　cabinets。　　What；　after　all；　matters　the　theory　or　the　system；　whether　it　be　king　or　president；　universal　suffrage　or　ten…pound　voter；　so　long　as　the　people　be　free　and　prosperous？　　King　and　president；　suffrage　by　poll　and　suffrage　by　property；　are　but　the　means。　　If　the　end　be　there；　if