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Negotiations to end this unprecedented war？ And； I submit； the
longer this open discussion goes on before the doors close upon
the secret peace congress the better for mankind。
2
Let me sketch out here what I conceive to be the essentials of a
world settlement。 Some of the items are the mere commonplaces of
everyone who discusses this question； some are less frequently
insisted upon。 I have been joining up one thing to another；
suggestions I have heard from this man and that； and I believe
that it is really possible to state a solution that will be
acceptable to the bulk of reasonable men all about the world。
Directly we put the panic…massacres of Dinant and Louvain； the
crime of the /Lusitania/ and so on into the category of
symptoms rather than essentials； outrages that call for special
punishments and reparations； but that do not enter further into
the ultimate settlement； we can begin to conceive a possible
world treaty。 Let me state the broad outlines of this
pacification。 The outlines depend one upon the other； each is a
condition of the other。 It is upon these lines that the
thoughtful； as distinguished from the merely the combative
people； seem to be drifting everywhere。
In the first place； it is agreed that there would have to be an
identical treaty between all the great powers of the world
binding them to certain things。 It would have to provide：…
That the few great industrial states capable of producing modern
war equipment should take over and control completely the
manufacture of all munitions of war in the world。 And that they
should absolutely close the supply of such material to all the
other states in the world。 This is a far easier task than many
people suppose。 War has now been so developed on its mechanical
side that the question of its continuance or abolition rests now
entirely upon four or five great powers。
Next comes the League of Peace idea； that there should be an
International Tribunal for the discussion and settlement of
international disputes。 That the dominating powers should
maintain land and sea forces only up to a limit agreed upon and
for internal police use only or for the purpose of enforcing the
decisions of the Tribunal。 That they should all be bound to
attack and suppress any power amongst them which increases its
war equipment beyond its defined limits。
That much has already been broached in several quarters。 But so
far is not enough。 It ignores the chief processes of that
economic war that aids and abets and is inseparably a part of
modern international conflicts。 If we are to go as far as we
have already stated in the matter of international controls； then
we must go further and provide that the International Tribunal
should have power to consider and set aside all tariffs and
localised privileges that seem grossly unfair or seriously
irritating between the various states of the world。 It should
have power to pass or revise all new tariff； quarantine； alien
exclusion； or the like legislation affecting international
relations。 Moreover； it should take over and extend the work of
the International Bureau of Agriculture at Rome with a view to
the control of all staple products。 It should administer the sea
law of the world； and control and standardise freights in the
common interests of mankind。 Without these provisions it would
be merely preventing the use of certain weapons； it would be
doing nothing to prevent countries strangling or suffocating each
other by commercial warfare。 It would not abolish war。
Now upon this issue people do not seem to me to be yet thinking
very clearly。 It is the exception to find anyone among the peace
talkers who really grasps how inseparably the necessity for free
access for everyone to natural products； to coal and tropical
products； e。g。 free shipping at non…discriminating tariffs； and
the recognition by a Tribunal of the principle of common welfare
in trade matters； is bound up with the ideal of a permanent world
peace。 But any peace that does not provide for these things will
be merely laying down of the sword in order to take up the
cudgel。 And a 〃peace〃 that did not rehabilitate industrial
Belgium； Poland； and the north of France would call imperatively
for the imposition upon the Allies of a system of tariffs in the
interests of these countries； and for a bitter economic 〃war
after the war〃 against Germany。 That restoration is； of course；
an implicit condition to any attempt to set up an economic peace
in the world。
These things being arranged for the future； it would be further
necessary to set up an International Boundary Commission； subject
to certain defining conditions agreed upon by the belligerents；
to re…draw the map of Europe； Asia； and Africa。 This war does
afford an occasion such as the world may never have again of
tracing out the 〃natural map〃 of mankind； the map that will
secure the maximum of homogeneity and the minimum of racial and
economic freedom。 All idealistic people hope for a restored
Poland。 But it is a childish thing to dream of a contented
Poland with Posen still under the Prussian heel； with Cracow cut
off； and without a Baltic port。 These claims of Poland to
completeness have a higher sanction than the mere give and take
of belligerents in congress。
Moreover this International Tribunal； if it was indeed to prevent
war； would need also to have power to intervene in the affairs of
any country or region in a state of open and manifest disorder；
for the protection of foreign travellers and of persons and
interests localised in that country but foreign to it。
Such an agreement as I have here sketched out would at once lift
international politics out of the bloody and hopeless squalor of
the present conflict。 It is； I venture to assert； the peace of
the reasonable man in any country whatever。 But it needs the
attention of such a disengaged people as the American people to
work it out and supply it withweight。 It needs putting before
the world with some sort of authority greater than its mere
entire reasonableness。 Otherwise it will not come before the
minds of ordinary men with the effect of a practicable
proposition。 I do not see any such plant springing from the
European battlefields。 It is America's supreme opportunity。 And
yet it is the common sense of the situation； and the solution
that must satisfy a rational German as completely as a rational
Frenchman or Englishman。 It has nothing against it but the
prejudice against new and entirely novel things。
3
In throwing out the suggestion that America should ultimately
undertake the responsibility of proposing a world peace
settlement； I admit that I run counter to a great deal of
European feeling。 Nowhere in Europe now do people seem to be in
love with the United States。 But feeling is a colour that
passes。 And the question is above matters of feeling。 Whether
the belligerents dislike Americans or the Americans dislike the
belligerents is an incidental matter。 The main question is of
the duty of a great and fortunate nation towards the rest of the
world and the future of mankind。
I do not