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the new machiavelli-第78章

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and struggle。  The ideas and understandings march on and achieve 

themselves for allin spite of every one。 。 。 。



The methods and traditions of British politics maintain the form of 

two great parties; with rider groups seeking to gain specific ends 

in the event of a small Government majority。  These two main parties 

are more or less heterogeneous in composition。  Each; however; has 

certain necessary characteristics。  The Conservative Party has 

always stood quite definitely for the established propertied 

interests。  The land…owner; the big lawyer; the Established Church; 

and latterly the huge private monopoly of the liquor trade which has 

been created by temperance legislation; are the essential 

Conservatives。  Interwoven now with the native wealthy are the 

families of the great international usurers; and a vast 

miscellaneous mass of financial enterprise。  Outside the range of 

resistance implied by these interests; the Conservative Party has 

always shown itself just as constructive and collectivist as any 

other party。  The great landowners have been as well…disposed 

towards the endowment of higher education; and as willing to co…

operate with the Church in protective and mildly educational 

legislation for children and the working class; as any political 

section。  The financiers; too; are adventurous…spirited and eager 

for mechanical progress and technical efficiency。  They are prepared 

to spend public money upon research; upon ports and harbours and 

public communications; upon sanitation and hygienic organisation。  A 

certain rude benevolence of public intention is equally 

characteristic of the liquor trade。  Provided his comfort leads to 

no excesses of temperance; the liquor trade is quite eager to see 

the common man prosperous; happy; and with money to spend in a bar。  

All sections of the party are aggressively patriotic and favourably 

inclined to the idea of an upstanding; well…fed; and well…exercised 

population in uniform。  Of course there are reactionary landowners 

and old…fashioned country clergy; full of localised self…importance; 

jealous even of the cottager who can read; but they have neither the 

power nor the ability to retard the constructive forces in the party 

as a whole。  On the other hand; when matters point to any definitely 

confiscatory proposal; to the public ownership and collective 

control of land; for example; or state mining and manufactures; or 

the nationalisation of the so…called public…house or extended 

municipal enterprise; or even to an increase of the taxation of 

property; then the Conservative Party presents a nearly adamantine 

bar。  It does not stand for; it IS; the existing arrangement in 

these affairs。



Even more definitely a class party is the Labour Party; whose 

immediate interest is to raise wages; shorten hours of labor; 

increase employment; and make better terms for the working…man 

tenant and working…man purchaser。  Its leaders are no doubt 

constructive minded; but the mass of the following is naturally 

suspicious of education and discipline; hostile to the higher 

education; andexcept for an obvious antagonism to employers and 

property ownersalmost destitute of ideas。  What else can it be?  

It stands for the expropriated multitude; whose whole situation and 

difficulty arise from its individual lack of initiative and 

organising power。  It favours the nationalisation of land and 

capital with no sense of the difficulties involved in the process; 

but; on the other hand; the equally reasonable socialisation of 

individuals which is implied by military service is steadily and 

quite naturally and quite illogically opposed by it。  It is only in 

recent years that Labour has emerged as a separate party from the 

huge hospitable caravanserai of Liberalism; and there is still a 

very marked tendency to step back again into that multitudinous 

assemblage。



For multitudinousness has always been the Liberal characteristic。  

Liberalism never has been nor ever can be anything but a diversified 

crowd。  Liberalism has to voice everything that is left out by these 

other parties。  It is the party against the predominating interests。  

It is at once the party of the failing and of the untried; it is the 

party of decadence and hope。  From its nature it must be a vague and 

planless association in comparison with its antagonist; neither so 

constructive on the one hand; nor on the other so competent to 

hinder the inevitable constructions of the civilised state。  

Essentially it is the party of criticism; the 〃Anti〃 party。  It is a 

system of hostilities and objections that somehow achieves at times 

an elusive common soul。  It is a gathering together of all the 

smaller interests which find themselves at a disadvantage against 

the big established classes; the leasehold tenant as against the 

landowner; the retail tradesman as against the merchant and the 

moneylender; the Nonconformist as against the Churchman; the small 

employer as against the demoralising hospitable publican; the man 

without introductions and broad connections against the man who has 

these things。  It is the party of the many small men against the 

fewer prevailing men。  It has no more essential reason for loving 

the Collectivist state than the Conservatives; the small dealer is 

doomed to absorption in that just as much as the large owner; but it 

resorts to the state against its antagonists as in the middle ages 

common men pitted themselves against the barons by siding with the 

king。  The Liberal Party is the party against 〃class privilege〃 

because it represents no class advantages; but it is also the party 

that is on the whole most set against Collective control because it 

represents no established responsilibity。  It is constructive only 

so far as its antagonism to the great owner is more powerful than 

its jealousy of the state。  It organises only because organisation 

is forced upon it by the organisation of its adversaries。  It lapses 

in and out of alliance with Labour as it sways between hostility to 

wealth and hostility to public expenditure。 。 。 。



Every modern European state will have in some form or other these 

three parties: the resistent; militant; authoritative; dull; and 

unsympathetic party of establishment and success; the rich party; 

the confused; sentimental; spasmodic; numerous party of the small; 

struggling; various; undisciplined men; the poor man's party; and a 

third party sometimes detaching itself from the second and sometimes 

reuniting with it; the party of the altogether expropriated masses; 

the proletarians; Labour。  Change Conservative and Liberal to 

Republican and Democrat; for example; and you have the conditions in 

the United States。  The Crown or a dethroned dynasty; the 

Established Church or a dispossessed church; nationalist secessions; 

the personalities of party leaders; may break up; complicate; and 

confuse t
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