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d those that are private； which are so called because they are more injurious to individuals than to the community。
Now in republics private crimes are more public； that is； they attack the constitution more than they do individuals； and in monarchies； public crimes are more private； that is； they are more prejudicial to private people than to the constitution。
I beg that no one will be offended with what I have been saying； my observations are founded on the unanimous testimony of historians。 I am not ignorant that virtuous princes are so very rare； but I venture to affirm that in a monarchy it is extremely difficult for the people to be virtuous。＇9＇
Let us compare what the historians of all ages have asserted concerning the courts of monarchs； let us recollect the conversations and sentiments of people of all countries； in respect to the wretched character of courtiers； and we shall find that these are not airy speculations； but truths confirmed by a sad and melancholy experience。
Ambition in idleness； meanness mixed with pride； a desire of riches without industry； aversion to truth； flattery； perfidy； violation of engagements； contempt of civil duties； fear of the prince's virtue； hope from his weakness； but； above all； a perpetual ridicule cast upon virtue； are； I think； the characteristics by which most courtiers in all ages and countries have been constantly distinguished。 Now； it is exceedingly difficult for the leading men of the nation to be knaves； and the inferior sort to be honest； for the former to be cheats； and the latter to rest satisfied with being only dupes。
But if there should chance to be some unlucky honest man＇10＇ among the people。 Cardinal Richelieu； in his political testament； seems to hint that a prince should take care not to employ him。＇11＇ So true is it that virtue is not the spring of this government！ It is not indeed excluded； but it is not the spring of government。
6。 In what Manner Virtue is supplied in a Monarchical Government。 But it is high time for me to have done with this subject； lest I should be suspected of writing a satire against monarchical government。 Far be it from me； if monarchy wants one spring； it is provided with another。 Honour； that is； the prejudice of every person and rank； supplies the place of the political virtue of which I have been speaking； and is everywhere her representative： here it is capable of inspiring the most glorious actions； and； joined with the force of laws； may lead us to the end of government as well as virtue itself。
Hence； in well…regulated monarchies； they are almost all good subjects； and very few good men； for to be a good man＇12＇ a good intention is necessary；＇13＇ and we should love our country； not so much on our own account； as out of regard to the community。
7。 Of the Principle of Monarchy。 A monarchical government supposes； as we have already observed； pre…eminences and ranks； as likewise a noble descent。 Now since it is the nature of honour to aspire to preferments and titles； it is properly placed in this government。
Ambition is pernicious in a republic。 But in a monarchy it has some good effects； it gives life to the government； and is attended with this advantage； that it is in no way dangerous； because it may be continually checked。
It is with this kind of government as with the system of the universe； in which there is a power that constantly repels all bodies from the centre； and a power of gravitation that attracts them to it。 Honour sets all the parts of the body politic in motion； and by its very action connects them； thus each individual advances the public good； while he only thinks of promoting his own interest。
True it is that； philosophically speaking； it is a false honour which moves all the parts of the government； but even this false honour is as useful to the public as true honour could possibly be to private persons。
Is it not very exacting to oblige men to perform the most difficult actions； such as require an extraordinary exertion of fortitude and resolution； without other recompense than that of glory and applause？
8。 That Honour is not the Principle of Despotic Government。 Honour is far from being the principle of despotic government： mankind being here all upon a level； no one person can prefer himself to another； and as on the other hand they are all slaves； they can give themselves no sort of preference。
Besides； as honour has its laws and rules； as it knows not how to submit； as it depends in a great measure on a man's own caprice； and not on that of another person； it can be found only in countries in which the constitution is fixed； and where they are governed by settled laws。
How can despotism abide with honour？ The one glories in the contempt of life； and the other is founded on the power of taking it away。 How can honour； on the other hand； bear with despotism？ The former has its fixed rules； and peculiar caprices； but the latter is directed by no rule； and its own caprices are subversive of all others。
Honour； therefore； a thing unknown in arbitrary governments； some of which have not even a proper word to express it；＇14＇ is the prevailing principle in monarchies； here it gives life to the whole body politic； to the laws； and even to the virtues themselves。
9。 Of the Principle of Despotic Government。 As virtue is necessary in a republic； and in a monarchy honour； so fear is necessary in a despotic government： with regard to virtue； there is no occasion for it； and honour would be extremely dangerous。
Here the immense power of the prince devolves entirely upon those whom he is pleased to entrust with the administration。 Persons capable of setting a value upon themselves would be likely to create disturbances。 Fear must therefore depress their spirits； and extinguish even the least sense of ambition。
A moderate government may； whenever it pleases； and without the least danger； relax its springs。 It supports itself by the laws； and by its own internal strength。 But when a despotic prince ceases for one single moment to uplift his arm； when he cannot instantly demolish those whom he has entrusted with the first employments；＇15＇ all is over： for as fear； the spring of this government； no longer subsists； the people are left without a protector。
It is probably in this sense the Cadis maintained that the Grand Seignior was not obliged to keep his word or oath； when he limited thereby his authority。＇16＇
It is necessary that the people should be judged by laws； and the great men by the caprice of the prince； that the lives of the lowest subject should be safe； and the pasha's head ever in danger。 We cannot mention these monstrous governments without horror。 The Sophi of Persia； dethroned in our days by Mahomet； the son of Miriveis； saw the constitution subverted before this resolution； because he had been too sparing of blood。＇17＇
History informs us that the horrid cruelties of Domitian struck such a terror into the governors that the people recovered themselves a little during his reign。＇18＇ Thus a torrent overflows one side of a country； and on the other leaves fields untouched； where the eye is refreshed by the prospect of fine meadows。
10。 Differe