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on liberty-第4章

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exposed to invasion from the government; as it already is from



public opinion。 But; as yet; there is a considerable amount of feeling



ready to be called forth against any attempt of the law to control



individuals in things in which they have not hitherto been



accustomed to be controlled by it; and this with very little



discrimination as to whether the matter is; or is not; within the



legitimate sphere of legal control; insomuch that the feeling;



highly salutary on the whole; is perhaps quite as often misplaced as



well grounded in the particular instances of its application。 There



is; in fact; no recognised principle by which the propriety or



impropriety of government interference is customarily tested。 People



decide according to their personal preferences。 Some; whenever they



see any good to be done; or evil to be remedied; would willingly



instigate the government to undertake the business; while others



prefer to bear almost any amount of social evil; rather than add one



to the departments of human interests amenable to governmental



control。 And men range themselves on one or the other side in any



particular case; according to this general direction of their



sentiments; or according to the degree of interest which they feel



in the particular thing which it is proposed that the government



should do; or according to the belief they entertain that the



government would; or would not; do it in the manner they prefer; but



very rarely on account of any opinion to which they consistently



adhere; as to what things are fit to be done by a government。 And it



seems to me that in consequence of this absence of rule or



principle; one side is at present as of wrong as the other; the



interference of government is; with about equal frequency;



improperly invoked and improperly condemned。



  The object of this Essay is to assert one very simple principle;



as entitled to govern absolutely the dealings of society with the



individual in the way of compulsion and control; whether the means



used be physical force in the form of legal penalties; or the moral



coercion of public opinion。 That principle is; that the sole end for



which mankind are warranted; individually or collectively; in



interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number; is



self…protection。 That the only purpose for which power can be



rightfully exercised over any member of a civilised community; against



his will; is to prevent harm to others。 His own good; either



physical or moral; is not a sufficient warrant。 He cannot rightfully



be compelled to do or forbear because it will be better for him to



do so; because it will make him happier; because; in the opinions of



others; to do so would be wise; or even right。 These are good



reasons for remonstrating with him; or reasoning with him; or



persuading him; or entreating him; but not for compelling him; or



visiting him with any evil in case he do otherwise。 To justify that;



the conduct from which it is desired to deter him must be calculated



to produce evil to some one else。 The only part of the conduct of



any one; for which he is amenable to society; is that which concerns



others。 In the part which merely concerns himself; his independence



is; of right; absolute。 Over himself; over his own body and mind;



the individual is sovereign。



  It is; perhaps; hardly necessary to say that this doctrine is



meant to apply only to human beings in the maturity of their



faculties。 We are not speaking of children; or of young persons



below the age which the law may fix as that of manhood or womanhood。



Those who are still in a state to require being taken care of by



others; must be protected against their own actions as well as against



external injury。 For the same reason; we may leave out of



consideration those backward states of society in which the race



itself may be considered as in its nonage。 The early difficulties in



the way of spontaneous progress are so great; that there is seldom any



choice of means for overcoming them; and a ruler full of the spirit of



improvement is warranted in the use of any expedients that will attain



an end; perhaps otherwise unattainable。 Despotism is a legitimate mode



of government in dealing with barbarians; provided the end be their



improvement; and the means justified by actually effecting that end。



Liberty; as a principle; has no application to any state of things



anterior to the time when mankind have become capable of being



improved by free and equal discussion。 Until then; there is nothing



for them but implicit obedience to an Akbar or a Charlemagne; if



they are so fortunate as to find one。 But as soon as mankind have



attained the capacity of being guided to their own improvement by



conviction or persuasion (a period long since reached in all nations



with whom we need here concern ourselves); compulsion; either in the



direct form or in that of pains and penalties for non…compliance; is



no longer admissible as a means to their own good; and justifiable



only for the security of others。



  It is proper to state that I forego any advantage which could be



derived to my argument from the idea of abstract right; as a thing



independent of utility。 I regard utility as the ultimate appeal on all



ethical questions; but it must be utility in the largest sense;



grounded on the permanent interests of a man as a progressive being。



Those interests; I contend; authorise the subjection of individual



spontaneity to external control; only in respect to those actions of



each; which concern the interest of other people。 If any one does an



act hurtful to others; there is a prima facie case for punishing



him; by law; or; where legal penalties are not safely applicable; by



general disapprobation。 There are also many positive acts for the



benefit of others; which he may rightfully be compelled to perform;



such as to give evidence in a court of justice; to bear his fair share



in the common defence; or in any other joint work necessary to the



interest of the society of which he enjoys the protection; and to



perform certain acts of individual beneficence; such as saving a



fellow creature's life; or interposing to protect the defenceless



against ill…usage; things which whenever it is obviously a man's



duty to do; he may rightfully be made responsible to society for not



doing。 A person may cause evil to others not only by his actions but



by his inaction; and in either case he is justly accountable to them



for the injury。 The latter case; it is true; requires a much more



cautious exercise of compulsion than the former。 To make any one



answerable for doing evil to others is the rule; to make him



answerable for not preventing evil is; comparatively speaking; the



exception。 Yet there are many cases clear enough and grave enough to



just
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