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meekness and benevolence to the capitalists。 No longer may they claim the
right to run their own business； to beat down the laborer's standard of
living for the sake of increased profits； to dictate terms of employment to
individual workers； to wax righteously indignant when organized labor
takes a hand in their business。 No longer may the capitalist say 〃my〃
business； or even think 〃my〃 business； he must say 〃our〃 business； and
think 〃our〃 business as well； accepting labor as a partner whose voice
must be heard。 And if the capitalists do not become more meek and
benevolent in their dealings with labor； labor will be antagonized and will
proceed to wreak terrible political vengeance； and the present social flux
will harden into a status of socialism。
Mr。 Brooks dreams of a society at which Mr。 Ghent sneers as 〃a
slightly modified individualism； wherein each unit secures the just reward
of his capacity and service。〃 To attain this happy state； Mr。 Brooks
imposes circumspection upon the capitalists in their relations with labor。
〃If the socialistic spirit is to be held in abeyance in this country； businesses
of this character （anthracite coal mining） must be handled with
extraordinary caution。〃 Which is to say； that to withstand the advance of
socialism； a great and greater measure of Mr。 Ghent's BENEVOLENCE
will be required。
Again and again； Mr。 Brooks reiterates the danger he sees in harshly
treating labor。 〃It is not probable that employers can destroy unionism in
the United States。 Adroit and desperate attempts will； however； be made； if
we mean by unionism the undisciplined and aggressive fact of vigorous
and determined organizations。 If capital should prove too strong in this
struggle； the result is easy to predict。 The employers have only to convince
organized labor that it cannot hold its own against the capitalist manager；
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and the whole energy that now goes to the union will turn to an aggressive
political socialism。 It will not be the harmless sympathy with increased
city and state functions which trade unions already feel； it will become a
turbulent political force bent upon using every weapon of taxation against
the rich。〃
〃The most concrete impulse that now favors socialism in this country
is the insane purpose to deprive labor organizations of the full and
complete rights that go with federated unionism。〃
〃That which teaches a union that it cannot succeed as a union turns it
toward socialism。 In long strikes in towns like Marlboro and Brookfield
strong unions are defeated。 Hundreds of men leave these towns for shoe…
centres like Brockton； where they are now voting the socialist ticket。 The
socialist mayor of this city tells me； 'The men who come to us now from
towns where they have been thoroughly whipped in a strike are among our
most active working socialists。' The bitterness engendered by this sense of
defeat is turned to politics； as it will throughout the whole country； if
organization of labor is deprived of its rights。〃
〃This enmity of capital to the trade union is watched with glee by
every intelligent socialist in our midst。 Every union that is beaten or
discouraged in its struggle is ripening fruit for socialism。〃
〃The real peril which we now face is the threat of a class conflict。 If
capitalism insists upon the policy of outraging the saving aspiration of the
American workman to raise his standard of comfort and leisure； every
element of class conflict will strengthen among us。〃
〃We have only to humiliate what is best in the trade union； and then
every worst feature of socialism is fastened upon us。〃
This strong tendency in the ranks of the workers toward socialism is
what Mr。 Brooks characterizes the 〃social unrest〃； and he hopes to see the
Republican； the Cleveland Democrat； and the conservative and large
property interests 〃band together against this common foe；〃 which is
socialism。 And he is not above feeling grave and well… contained
satisfaction wherever the socialist doctrinaire has been contradicted by
men attempting to practise cooperation in the midst of the competitive
system； as in Belgium。
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War of the Classes
Nevertheless； he catches fleeting glimpses of an extreme and
tyrannically benevolent feudalism very like to Mr。 Ghent's； as witness the
following：
〃I asked one of the largest employers of labor in the South if he feared
the coming of the trade union。 'No；' he said； 'it is one good result of race
prejudice； that the negro will enable us in the long run to weaken the trade
union so that it cannot harm us。 We can keep wages down with the negro
and we can prevent too much organization。'
〃It is in this spirit that the lower standards are to be used。 If this
purpose should succeed； it has but one issue；the immense strengthening
of a plutocratic administration at the top； served by an army of high…
salaried helpers； with an elite of skilled and well… paid workmen； but all
resting on what would essentially be a serf class of low…paid labor and this
mass kept in order by an increased use of military force。〃
In brief summary of these two notable books； it may be said that Mr。
Ghent is alarmed； （though he does not flatly say so）； at the too great social
restfulness in the community； which is permitting the capitalists to form
the new society to their liking； and that Mr。 Brooks is alarmed； （and he
flatly says so）； at the social unrest which threatens the modified
individualism into which he would like to see society evolve。 Mr。 Ghent
beholds the capitalist class rising to dominate the state and the working
class； Mr。 Brooks beholds the working class rising to dominate the state
and the capitalist class。 One fears the paternalism of a class； the other； the
tyranny of the mass。
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War of the Classes
WANTED： A NEW LAW OF