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work which has already been done； as a method of dealing with employers
in a dispute when a strike appears for some reason undesirable or
impossible。 It has many forms； some clearly innocent； some open to grave
objections。 One form of sabotage which has been adopted by shop
assistants is to tell customers the truth about the articles they are buying；
this form； however it may damage the shopkeeper's business； is not easy to
object to on moral grounds。 A form which has been adopted on railways；
particularly in Italian strikes； is that of obeying all rules literally and
exactly； in such a way as to make the running of trains practically
impossible。 Another form is to do all the work with minute care； so that in
the end it is better done； but the output is small。 From these innocent forms
there is a continual progression； until we come to such acts as all ordinary
morality would consider criminal； for example； causing railway accidents。
Advocates of sabotage justify it as part of war； but in its more violent
forms （in which it is seldom defended） it is cruel and probably inexpedient；
while even in its milder forms it must tend to encourage slovenly habits of
work； which might easily persist under the new regime that the
Syndicalists wish to introduce。 At the same time； when capitalists express
a moral horror of this method； it is worth while to observe that they
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themselves are the first to practice it when the occasion seems to them
appropriate。 If report speaks truly； an example of this on a very large scale
has been seen during the Russian Revolution。
By far the most important of the Syndicalist methods is the strike。
Ordinary strikes； for specific objects； are regarded as rehearsals； as a
means of perfecting organization and promoting enthusiasm； but even
when they are victorious so far as concerns the specific point in dispute；
they are not regarded by Syndicalists as affording any ground for
industrial peace。 Syndicalists aim at using the strike； not to secure such
improvements of detail as employers may grant； but to destroy the whole
system of employer and employed and win the complete emancipation of
the worker。 For this purpose what is wanted is the General Strike； the
complete cessation of work by a sufficient proportion of the wage…earners
to secure the paralysis of capitalism。 Sorel； who represents Syndicalism
too much in the minds of the reading public； suggests that the General
Strike is to be regarded as a myth； like the Second Coming in Christian
doctrine。 But this view by no means suits the active Syndicalists。 If they
were brought to believe that the General Strike is a mere myth； their
energy would flag； and their whole outlook would become disillusioned。 It
is the actual； vivid belief in its possibility which inspires them。 They are
much criticised for this belief by the political Socialists who consider that
the battle is to be won by obtaining a Parliamentary majority。 But
Syndicalists have too little faith in the honesty of politicians to place any
reliance on such a method or to believe in the value of any revolution
which leaves the power of the State intact。
Syndicalist aims are somewhat less definite than Syndicalist methods。
The intellectuals who endeavor to interpret themnot always very
faithfully represent them as a party of movement and change； following
a Bergsonian elan vital； without needing any very clear prevision of the
goal to which it is to take them。 Nevertheless； the negative part； at any rate；
of their objects is sufficiently clear。
They wish to destroy the State； which they regard as a capitalist
institution； designed essentially to terrorize the workers。 They refuse to
believe that it would be any better under State Socialism。 They desire to
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see each industry self…governing； but as to the means of adjusting the
relations between different industries； they are not very clear。 They are
anti…militarist because they are anti…State； and because French troops have
often been employed against them in strikes； also because they are
internationalists； who believe that the sole interest of the working man
everywhere is to free himself from the tyranny of the capitalist。 Their
outlook on life is the very reverse of pacifist； but they oppose wars
between States on the ground that these are not fought for objects that in
any way concern the workers。 Their anti…militarism； more than anything
else； brought them into conflict with the authorities in the years preceding
the war。 But； as was to be expected； it did not survive the actual invasion
of France。
The doctrines of Syndicalism may be illustrated by an article
introducing it to English readers in the first number of ‘‘The Syndicalist
Railwayman；'' September； 1911； from which the following is quoted：
‘‘All Syndicalism； Collectivism； Anarchism aims at abolishing the
present economic status and existing private ownership of most things； but
while Collectivism would substitute ownership by everybody； and
Anarchism ownership by nobody； Syndicalism aims at ownership by
Organized Labor。 It is thus a purely Trade Union reading of the economic
doctrine and the class war preached by Socialism。 It vehemently
repudiates Parliamentary action on which Collectivism relies； and it is； in
this respect； much more closely allied to Anarchism； from which； indeed；
it differs in practice only in being more limited in range of action。'' （Times；
Aug。 25； 1911）。
In truth； so thin is the partition between Syndicalism and Anarchism
that the newer and less familiar ‘‘ism'' has been shrewdly defined as
‘‘Organized Anarchy。'' It has been created by the Trade Unions of France；
but it is obviously an international plant； whose roots have already found
the soil of Britain most