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actually have all power instead of merely supporting the Bolshevik
bureaucracy。 He was asked for his own programme； but said he had not
time to give it。 I watched the applause carefully。 General
dissatisfaction with the present state of affairs was obvious； but it was also
obvious that no party would have a chance that admitted its aim was
extinction of the Soviets （which Dan's ultimate aim certainly is； or at least
the changing of them into non…political industrial organizations） or that
was not prepared to fight against reaction from without。
I went to see Sukhanov （the friend of Gorky and Martov； though his
political opinions do not precisely agree with those of either）； partly to get
the proofs of his first volume of reminiscences of the revolution； partly to
hear what he had to say。 I found him muffled up in a dressing gown or
overcoat in an unheated flat； sitting down to tea with no sugar； very little
bread； a little sausage and a surprising scrap of butter； brought in； I
suppose； from the country by a friend。 Nikitsky； a Menshevik； was also
there； a hopeless figure； prophesying the rotting of the whole system and
of the revolution。 Sukhanov asked me if I had noticed the disappearance
of all spoons （there are now none； but wooden spoons in the Metropole） as
a symbol of the falling to pieces of the revolution。 I told him that though
I had not lived in Russia thirty years or more； as he had； I had yet lived
there long enough and had； before the revolution； sufficient experience in
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the loss of fishing tackle； not to be surprised that Russian peasants； even
delegates； when able； as in such a moment of convulsion as the revolution；
stole spoons if only as souvenirs to show that they had really been to
Moscow。
We talked； of course； of their attitude towards the Bolsheviks。 Both
work in Soviet institutions。 Sukhanov （Nikitsky agreeing） believed that
if the Bolsheviks came further to meet the other parties； Mensheviks； etc。；
〃Kolchak and Denikin would commit suicide and your Lloyd George
would give up all thought of intervention。〃 I asked； What if they should be
told to hold a Constituent Assembly or submit to a continuance of the
blockade？ Sukhanov said； 〃Such a Constituent Assembly would be
impossible； and we should be against it。〃 Of the Soviets； one or other said；
〃We stand absolutely on the platform of the Soviet Government now： but
we think that such a form cannot be permanent。 We consider the Soviets
perfect instruments of class struggle； but not a perfect form of
government。〃 I asked Sukhanov if he thought counter revolution possible。
He said 〃No；〃 but admitted that there was a danger lest the agitation of the
Mensheviks or others might set fire to the discontent of the masses against
the actual physical conditions； and end in pogroms destroying Bolsheviks
and Mensheviks alike。 Their general theory was that Russia was not so
far developed that a Socialist State was at present possible。 They
therefore wanted a state in which private capital should exist； and in which
factories were not run by the state but by individual owners。 They
believed that the peasants； with their instincts of small property…holders；
would eventually enforce something of the kind； and that the end would be
some form of democratic Republic。 These two were against the offering
of concessions to the Allies； on the ground that those under consideration
involved the handing over to the concessionaires of the whole power in
northern Russia…railways； forests； the right to set up their own banks in
the towns served by the railway； with all that this implied。 Sukhanov was
against concessions on principle； and regretted that the Mensheviks were
in favour of them。
I saw Martov at the offices of his newspaper； which had just been
suppressed on account of an article； which he admitted was a little
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indiscreet； objecting to the upkeep of the Red Army （see page 167）。 He
pointed eloquently to the seal on some of the doors； but told me that he
had started a new paper； of which he showed me the first number； and told
me that the demand for it was such that although he had intended that it
should be a weekly he now expected to make it a daily。 Martov said that
he and his party were against every form of intervention for the following
reasons： 1。 The continuation of hostilities； the need of an army and of
active defence were bound to intensify the least desirable qualities of the
revolution whereas an agreement； by lessening the tension； would
certainly lead to moderation of Bolshevik Policy。 2。 The needs of the army
overwhelmed every effort at restoring the economic life of the country。 He
was further convinced that intervention of any kind favoured reaction；
even supposing that the Allies did not wish this。 〃They cannot help
themselves；〃 he said； 〃the forces that would support intervention must be
dominated by those of reaction； since all of the non…reactionary parties are
prepared to sink their differences with the Bolsheviks； in order to defend
the revolution as a whole。〃 He said he was convinced that the Bolsheviks
would either have to alter or go。 He read me； in illustration of this； a
letter from a peasant showing the unreadiness of the peasantry to go into
communes （compulsion in this matter has already been discarded by the
Central Government）。 〃We took the land；〃 wrote the peasant in some
such words； 〃not much； just as much as we could work； we ploughed it
where it had not been ploughed before； and now； if it is made into a
commune； other lazy fellows who have done nothing will come in and
profit by our work。〃 Martov argued that life itself； the needs of the country
and the will of the peasant masses； would lead to the changes he thinks
desirable in the Soviet regime。
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RUSSIA IN 1919
THE RIGHT SOCIAL
REVOLUTIONARIES
The position of the Right Social Revolutionaries is a good deal
more complicate