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seamen in the world； which we possess； is too great a resource for
manning her exaggerated navy； to be relinquished； as long as she can
keep it open。 Peace is in her hand； whenever she will renounce the
practice of aggression on the persons of our citizens。 If she thinks
it worth eternal war； eternal war we must have。 She alleges that the
sameness of language； of manners； of appearance； renders it
impossible to distinguish us from her subjects。 But because we speak
English； and look like them； are we to be punished？ Are free and
independent men to be submitted to their bondage？
England has misrepresented to all Europe this ground of the
war。 She has called it a new pretension； set up since the repeal of
her orders of council。 She knows there has never been a moment of
suspension of our reclamations against it； from General Washington's
time inclusive； to the present day： and that it is distinctly stated
in our declaration of war； as one of its principal causes。 She has
pretended we have entered into the war to establish the principle of
‘free bottoms； free goods；' or to protect her seamen against her own
right over them。 We contend for neither of these。 She pretends we
are partial to France； that we have observed a fraudulent and
unfaithful neutrality between her and her enemy。 She knows this to
be false； and that if there has been any inequality in our
proceedings towards the belligerents； it has been in her favor。 Her
ministers are in possession of full proofs of this。 Our accepting at
once； and sincerely； the mediation of the virtuous Alexander； their
greatest friend； and the most aggravated enemy of Buonaparte；
sufficiently proves whether we have partialities on the side of her
enemy。 I sincerely pray that this mediation may produce a just
peace。 It will prove that the immortal character； which has first
stopped by war the career of the destroyer of mankind； is the friend
of peace； of justice； of human happiness； and the patron of
unoffending and injured nations。 He is too honest and impartial to
countenance propositions of peace derogatory to the freedom of the
seas。
Shall I apologise to you； my dear Madam； for this long
political letter？ But yours justifies the subject； and my feelings
must plead for the unreserved expression of them； and they have been
the less reserved； as being from a private citizen； retired from all
connection with the government of his country； and whose ideas；
expressed without communication with any one； are neither known； nor
imputable to them。
The dangers of the sea are now so great； and the possibilities
of interception by sea and land such； that I shall subscribe no name
to this letter。 You will know from whom it comes； by its reference
to the date of time and place of yours； as well as by its subject in
answer to that。 This omission must not lessen in your view the
assurances of my great esteem； of my sincere sympathies for the share
which you bear in the afflictions of your country； and the
deprivations to which a lawless will has subjected you。 In return；
you enjoy the dignified satisfaction of having met them； rather than
be yoked with the abject； to his car； and that； in withdrawing from
oppression； you have followed the virtuous example of a father； whose
name will ever be dear to your country and to mankind。 With my
prayers that you may be restored to it； that you may see it
re…established in that temperate portion of liberty which does not
infer either anarchy or licentiousness； in that high degree of
prosperity which would be the consequence of such a government； in
that； in short； which the constitution of 1789 would have insured it；
if wisdom could have stayed at that point the fervid but imprudent
zeal of men； who did not know the character of their own countrymen；
and that you may long live in health and happiness under it； and
leave to the world a well educated and virtuous representative and
descendant of your honored father； is the ardent prayer of the
sincere and respectful friend who writes this letter。