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thority； that all personal distinction flowed from it alone； had been long expressed at this court by the Order of the Golden Spur； an order which had nothing in common with medieval chivalry。 Ercole I added to the spur a sword； a goldlaced mantle； and a grant of money； in return for which there is no doubt that regular service was required。
The patronage of art and letters for which this court has obtained a world…wide reputation； was exercised through the University； which was one of the most perfect in Italy； and by the gift of places in the personal or official service of the prince； it involved consequently no additional expense。 Boiardo； as a wealthy country gentleman and high official； belonged to this class。 At the time when Ariosto began to distinguish himself； there existed no court； in the true sense of the word； either at Milan or Florence； and soon there was none either at Urbino or at Naples。 He had to content himself with a place among the musicians and jugglers of Cardinal Ippolito till Alfonso took him into his service。 It was otherwise at a later time with Torquato Tasso； whose presence at court was jealously sought after。
The Opponents of the Despots
In face of this centralized authority； all legal opposition within the borders of the State was futile。 The elements needed for the restoration of a republic had been for ever destroyed； and the field prepared for violence and despotism。 The nobles； destitute of political rights； even where they held feudal possessions； might call themselves Guelphs or Ghibellines at will； might dress up their bravos in padded hose and feathered caps or how else they pleased； thoughtful men like Machiavelli knew well enough that Milan and Naples were too 'corrupt' for a republic。 Strange judgements fell on these two so…called parties； which now served only to give official sanction to personal and f family disputes。
An Italian prince； whom Agrippa of Nettesheim advised to put them down； replied that their quarrels brought him in more than 12；000 ducats a year in fines。 And when in the year 1500； during the brief return of Lodovico il Moro to his States； the Guelphs of Tortona summoned a part of the neighbouring French army into the city； in order to make an end once for all of their opponents； the French certainly began by plundering and ruining the Ghibellines； but finished by doing the same to the Guelphs； till Tortona was utterly laid waste。 In Romagna； the hotbed of every ferocious passion； these two names had long lost all political meaning。 It was a sign of the political delusion of the people that they not seldom believed the Guelphs to be the natural allies of the French and the Ghibellines of the Spaniards。 It is hard to see that those who tried to profit by this error got much by doing so。 France； after all her interventions； had to abandon the peninsula at last； and what became of Spain； after she had destroyed Italy； is known to every reader。
But to return to the despots of the Renaissance。 A pure and simple mind； we might think； would perhaps have argued that； since all power is derived from God； these princes； if they were loyally and honestly supported by all their subjects； must in time themselves improve and los e all traces of their violent origin。 But from characters and imaginations inflamed by passion and ambition； reasoning of this kind could not be expected。 Like bad physicians； they thought to cure the disease by removing the symptoms； and fancied that if the tyrant were put to death； freedom would follow of itself。 Or else； without reflecting even to this extent； they sought only to give a vent to the universal hatred； or to take vengeance for some family misfortune or personal affront。 Since the governments were absolute； and free from all legal restraints； the opposition chose its weapons with equal freedom。 Boccaccio declares openly： 'Shall I call the tyrant king or prince； and obey him loyally as my lord？ No； for he is the enemy of the commonwealth。 Against him I may use arms； conspiracies； spies； ambushes and fraud； to do so is a sacred and necessary work。 There is no more acceptable sacrifice than the blood of a tyrant。' We need not occupy ourselves with individual cases； Machiavelli； in a famous chapter of his 'Discorsi；' treats of the conspiracies of ancient and modern times from the days of the Greek tyrants downwards； and classifies them with cold…blooded indifference according to their various plans and results。 We need make but two observations； first on the murders committed in church； and next on the influence of classical antiquity。 So well was the tyrant guarded that it was almost impossible to lay hands upon him elsewhere than at solemn religious services； and on no other occasion was the whole family to be found assembled together。 It was thus that the Fabrianese murdered （1435） the members of their ruling house； the Chiavelli； during high mass； the signal being given by the words of the Creed； 'Et incarnatus est。' At Milan the Duke Giovan Maria Visconti （1412） was assassinated at the entrance of the church of San Gottardo Galeazzo Maria Sforza （1476） in the church of Santo Stefano； and Lodovico il Moro only escaped （1484） the daggers of the adherents of the widowed Duchess Bona； through entering the church of Sant' Ambrogio by another door than that by which he was expected。 There was no intentional impiety in the act； the assassins of Galeazzo did not fail to pray before the murder to the patron saint of the church； and to listen devoutly to the first mass。 It was； however； one cause of the partial failure of the conspiracy of the Pazzi against Lorenzo and Giuliano Medici （1478）； that the brigand Montesecco； who had bargained to commit the murder at a banquet； declined to undertake it in the Cathedral of Florence。 Certain of the clergy 'who were familiar with the sacred place； and consequently had no fear' were induced to act in his stead。
As to the imitation of antiquity； the influence of which on moral； and more especially on political； questions we shall often refer to； the example was set by the rulers themselves； who； both in their conception of the State and in their personal conduct； took t he old Roman empire avowedly as their model。 In like manner their opponents； when they set to work with a deliberate theory； took pattern by the ancient tyrannicides。 It may be hard to prove that in the main point in forming the resolve itself they consciously followed a classical example； but the appeal to antiquity was no mere phrase。 The most striking disclosures have been left us with respect to the murderers of Galeazzo Sforza； Lampugnani； Olgiati； and Visconti。 Though all three had personal ends to serve； yet their enterprise may be partly ascribed to a more general reason。 About this time Cola de' Montani； a humanist and professor of eloquence； had awakened among many of the young Milanese nobility a vague passion for glory and patriotic achievements； and had mentioned to Lampugnani and Olgiati his hope of delivering Milan。 Suspicion was soon aroused against him： he was banished from the city； and his pupils were aband