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officers of the Army who have been stationed among them。 The following are the conclusions come to by me：
I am satisfied that the mass of the thinking men of the South accept the present situation of affairs in good faith。 The questions which have heretofore divided the sentiments of the people of the two sectionsSlavery and State Rights； or the right of a State to secede from the Unionthey regard as having been settled forever by the highest tribunalarmsthat man can resort to。 I was pleased to learn from the leading men whom I met； that they not only accepted the decision arrived at； as final； but that now； when the smoke of battle has cleared away； and time has been given for reflection； this decision has been a fortunate one for the whole country； they receiving like benefits from it with those who opposed them in the field and in council。
Four years of war； during which law was executed only at the point of the bayonet throughout the States in rebellion； have left the people possibly in a condition not to yield that ready obedience to civil authority the American people have been in the habit of generally yielding。 This would render the presence of small garrisons throughout those States necessary until such time as labor returns to its proper channels and civil authority is fully established。 I did not meet anyone； either those holding places under the Government or citizens of the Southern States； who think it practicable to withdraw the Military from the South at present。 The white and black mutually require the protection of the General Government。 There is such universal acquiescence in the authority of the General Government throughout the portions of the country visited by me； that the mere presence of a military force； without regard to numbers； is sufficient to maintain order。 The good of the country and economy require that the force kept in the interior where there are many freedmen （elsewhere in the Southern States than at forts upon the sea coast； no more is necessary；） should all be white troops。 The reasons for this are obvious without mentioning any of them。 The presence of black troops； lately slaves； demoralizes labor both by their advice and by furnishing in their camps a resort for freedmen for long distances around。 White troops generally excite no opposition； and therefore a small number of them can maintain order in a given district。 Colored troops must be kept in bodies sufficient to defend themselves。 It is not thinking men who would use violence towards any class of troops sent among them by the General Government； but the ignorant in some cases might； and the late slave seems to be imbued with the idea that the property of his late master should of right belong to him； or at least should have no protection from the colored soldiers。 There is danger of collision being brought on by such causes。
My observations lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of the Southern States are anxious to return to self government within the Union as soon as possible； that while reconstructing they want and require protection from the Government； that they are in earnest in wishing to do what they think is required by the Government； not humiliating to them as citizens； and that if such is pointed out they would pursue it in good faith。 It is to be regretted that there cannot be a greater commingling at this time between the citizens of the two sections； and particularly with THOSE ENTRUSTED WITH THE LAWMAKING POWER。
I did not give； the operation of the Freedmen's Bureau that attention I would have done if more time had been at my disposal。 Conversations on the subject； however； with officers connected with the Bureau； led me to think that in some of the States its affairs have not been conducted with good judgment and economy； and that the belief； widely spread among the freedmen of the Southern States； that the land of their former masters will； at least in part； be divided among them； has come from the agents of this Bureau。 This belief is seriously interfering with the willingness of the freedmen to make contracts for the coming year。 In some form the Freedmen's Bureau is an absolute necessity until civil law is established and enforced； securing to the freedmen their rights and full protection。 At present； however； it is independent of the Military establishment of the country； and seems to be operated by the different agents of the Bureau according to their individual notions； every where。 Gen。 Howard； the able head of the Bureau； made friends by the just and fair instructions and advice he gave； but the complaint in South Carolina was that； when he left； things went on as before。 Many； perhaps the majority of the agents of the Bureau； advised the freedmen that by their industry they must expect to live。 To this end they endeavor to secure employment for them： to see that both contracting parties comply with their agreements。 In some instances； I am sorry to say； the freedman's mind does not seem to be disabused of the idea that a freedman has a right to live without care or provision for the future。 The effect of the belief in the division of lands is idleness and accumulation in camps； towns； and cities。 In such cases； I think it will be found that vice and disease will tend to the extermination； or great reduction of the colored race。 It cannot be expected that the opinions held by men at the South can be changed in a day； and therefore the freedmen require for a few years not only laws to protect them； but the fostering care of those who will give them good counsel and in whom they can rely。
U。 S。 Grant； Lieutenant General。
This report was at once vigorously denounced in and out of Congress； by the extremists。 Mr。 Sumner characterized it in the Senate； as a 〃whitewashing report。〃 The standing of General Grant in the country at large； however； was such that few had the indiscretion to attack him openly。
The controlling element of the party which had elected Lincoln and Johnson； had acquiesced for a time in the plan of reconstruction foreshadowed by Mr。 Lincoln and adopted by Mr。 Johnson； but during the summer of 1865； frictions developed between Mr。 Johnson and those who on Mr。 Lincoln's death had assumed the leadership in the work of reconstruction and other matters of administration； came to take the opposite ground； from the first occupied by Sumner and other extremists in Congressthat the States lately in rebellion had destroyed themselves by their own act of war； and had thereby forfeited all the rights of Statehood and were but conquered provinces； subject solely to the will of the conqueror。
From that point their ways parted and widened from month to month； till bitter hostility； political and personal； came to mark even their official intercourse。
Mr。 Johnson was practically unknown to the great mass of the people of the North till he succeeded to the Presidency。 He was in no sense regarded as or assumed to be the leader of the dominant party； while those who on Mr。 Lincoln's death became leaders of the dominant party in opposition to Mr。 Johnson's administration and policies； were widely known and of long public experience； and had correspondingly the confidence of their