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England。 If； however； she accomplishes that； she will then import
500；000 centners more raw cotton than before； by which she will
carry on so much the more direct exchange trade with tropical
countries； and be able to pay for the greater part if not the whole
of that requirement with her own manufactured goods。
We must correct the view of the author of the report； that
public opinion in Germany is in favour of free trade； by stating
that since the establishment of the Commercial Union people have
acquired a clearer perception of what it is that England usually
understands by the term 'free trade；' for； as he himself says；
'Since that period the sentiments of the German people have been
diverted from the region of hope and of fantasy to that of their
actual and material interests。' The author of the report is quite
right when he says that intelligence is very greatly diffused
amongst the German people； but for that very reason people in
Germany have ceased to indulge in cosmopolitical dreams。 People
here now think for themselves they trust their own conclusions；
their own experience； their own sound common sense； more than
one…sided systems which are opposed to all experience。 They begin
to comprehend why it was that Burke declared in confidence to Adam
Smith 'that a nation must not be governed according to
cosmopolitical systems； but according to knowledge of their special
national interests acquired by deep research。' People in Germany
distrust counsellors who blow both cold and hot out of the same
mouth。 People know also how to estimate at their proper value the
interests and the advice of those who are our industrial
competitors。 Finally； people in Germany bear in mind as often as
English offers are under discussion the well…known proverb of the
presents offered by the Danaidae。
For these very reasons we may doubt that influential German
statesmen have seriously given grounds for hope to the author of
the report； that Germany is willing to abandon her protective
policy for the benefit of England； in exchange for the pitiful
concession of permission to export to England a little grain and
timber。 At any rate public opinion in Germany would greatly
hesitate to consider such statesmen to be thoughtful ones。 In order
to merit that title in Germany in the present day； it is not enough
that a man should have thoroughly learned superficial phrases and
arguments of the cosmopolitical school。 People require that a
statesman should be well acquainted with the powers and the
requirements of the nation； and； without troubling himself with
scholastic systems； should develop the former and satisfy the
latter。 But that man would betray an unfathomable ignorance of
those powers and wants； who did not know what enormous exertions
are requisite to raise a national industry to that stage to which
the German industry has already attained； who cannot in spirit
foresee the greatness of its future； who could so grievously
disappoint the confidence which the German industrial classes have
reposed in their Governments； and so deeply wound the spirit of
enterprise in the nation； who was incapable of distinguishing
between the lofty position which is occupied by a manufacturing
nation of the first rank； and the inferior position of a country
which merely exports corn and timber； who is not intelligent enough
to estimate how precarious a foreign market for grain and timber is
even in ordinary times； how easily concessions of this kind can be
again revoked； and what convulsions are involved in an interruption
of such a trade； occasioned by wars or hostile commercial
regulations； who； finally； has not learned from the example of
other great states how greatly the existence； the independence； and
the power of the nation depends on its possession of a
manufacturing power of its own； developed in all its branches。
Truly one must greatly under…estimate the spirit of nationality
and of unity which has arisen in Germany since 1830； if one
believed； as the author of the report does （p。 26）； that the policy
of the Commercial Union will follow the separate interests of
Prussia； because two…thirds of the population of the Union are
Prussian。 But Prussia's interests demand the export of grain and
timber to England； the amount of her capital devoted to
manufactures is unimportant； Prussia will therefore oppose every
system which impedes the import of foreign manufactures； and all
the heads of departments in Prussia are of that opinion。
Nevertheless the author of the report says at the beginning of his
report： 'The German Customs Union is an incarnation of the idea of
national unity which widely pervades this country。 If this Union is
well led； it must bring about the fusion of all German interests in
one common league。 The experience of its benefits has made it
popular。 It is the first step towards the nationalisation of the
German people。 By means of the common interest in commercial
questions； it has paved the way for political nationality； and in
place of narrow…minded views； prejudices； and customs； it has laid
down a broader and stronger element of German national existence。'
Now； how does the opinion agree with these perfectly true prefatory
observations； that Prussia will sacrifice the independence and the
future greatness of the nation to a narrow regard to her own
supposed （but in any case only momentary） private interest that
Prussia will not comprehend that Germany must either rise or fall
with her national commercial policy； as Prussia herself must rise
or fall with Germany？ How does the assertion that the Prussian
heads of departments are opposed to the protective system； agree
with the fact that the high duties on ordinary woollen and cotton
fabrics emanated from Prussia herself？ And must we not be compelled
to conjecture from these contradictions； and from the fact that the
author of the report paints in such glowing colours the condition
and the progress of the industry of Saxony； that he himself is
desirous of exciting the private jealousy of Prussia？
Be that as it may； it is very strange that Dr Bowring attaches
such great importance to the private statements of heads of
departments； he an English author who ought to be well aware of the
power of public opinion who ought to know that in our days the
private views of heads of departments even in unconstitutional
states count for very little if they are opposed to public opinion；
and especially to the material interests of the whole nation； and
if they favour retrograde steps wh