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employing negro troops； it cannot be as mischievous as this。 If
it end in subverting slavery it will be accomplished by
ourselves； and we can devise the means of alleviating the evil
consequences to both races。 I think； therefore； we must decide
whether slavery shall be extinguished by our enemies and the
slaves be used against us； or use them ourselves at the risk of
the effects which may be produced upon our social
institutions。。。〃
〃The reasons that induce me to recommend the employment of negro
troops at all render the effect of the measures。。。upon
slavery immaterial； and in my opinion the best means of securing
the efficiency and fidelity of this auxiliary force would be to
accompany the measure with a well…digested plan of gradual and
general emancipation。 As that will be the result of the
continuance of the war； and will certainly occur if the enemy
succeed； it seems to me most advisable to adopt it at once； and
thereby obtain all the benefits that will accrue to our cause。。。〃
〃I can only say in conclusion； that whatever measures are to be
adopted should be adopted at once。 Every day's delay increases
the difficulty。 Much time will be required to organize and
discipline the men； and action may be deferred until it is too
late。〃
Lee wrote these words on January 11； 1865。 At that time a fresh
wave of despondency had gone over the South because of Hood's
rout at Nashville； Congress was debating intermittently the
possible arming of the slaves； and the newspapers were
prophesying that the Administration would presently force the
issue。 It is to be observed that Lee did not advise Virginia to
wait for Confederate action。 He advocated emancipation by the
State。 After all； to both Lee and Smith； Virginia was their
〃country。〃
During the next sixty days Lee rejected two great
opportunitiesor； if you will； put aside two great temptations。
If tradition is to be trusted； it was during January that Lee
refused to play the role of Cromwell by declining to intervene
directly in general Confederate politics。 But there remained open
the possibility of his intervention in Virginia politics； and the
local crisis was in its own way as momentous as the general
crisis。 What if Virginia had accepted the views of Lee and
insisted upon the immediate arming of the slaves？ Virginia；
however； did not do so； and Lee； having made public his position；
refrained from further participation。 Politically speaking； he
maintained a splendid isolation at the head of the armies。
Through January and February the Virginia crisis continued
undetermined。 In this period of fateful hesitation； the
〃mountains of prejudice〃 proved too great to be undermined even
by the influence of Lee。 When at last Virginia enacted a law
permitting the arming of her slaves； no provision was made for
their manumission。
Long before the passage of this act in Virginia； Congress had
become the center of the controversy。 Davis had come to the point
where no tradition however cherished would stand； in his mind；
against the needs of the moment。 To reinforce the army in great
strength was now his supreme concern； and he saw but one way to
do it。 As a last resort he was prepared to embrace the bold plan
which so many people still regarded with horror and which as late
as the previous November he himself had opposed。 He would arm the
slaves。 On February 10； 1865； bills providing for the arming of
the slaves were introduced both in the House and in the Senate。
On this issue all the forces both of the Government and the
opposition fought their concluding duel in which were involved
all the other basal issues that had distracted the country since
1862。 Naturally there was a bewildering criss…cross of political
motives。 There were men who； like Smith and Lee； would go along
with the Government on emancipation； provided it was to be
carried out by the free will of the States。 There were others who
preferred subjugation to the arming of the slaves； and among
these there were clashings of motive。 Then； too； there were those
who were willing to arm the slaves but were resolved not to give
them their freedom。
The debate brings to the front of the political stage the figure
of R。 M。 T。 Hunter。 Hitherto his part has not been conspicuous
either as Secretary of State or as Senator from Virginia。 He now
becomes； in the words of Davis； 〃a chief obstacle〃 to the passage
of the Senate bill which would have authorized a levy of negro
troops and provided for their manumission by the War Department
with the consent of the State in which they should be at the time
of the proposed manumission。 After long discussion； this bill was
indefinitely postponed。 Meanwhile a very different bill had
dragged through the House。 While it was under debate； another
appeal was made to Lee。 Barksdale； who came as near as any one to
being the leader of the Administration； sought Lee's aid。 Again
the General urged the enrollment of negro soldiers and their
eventual manumission； but added this immensely significant
proviso：
〃I have no doubt that if Congress would authorize their ＇the
negroes'＇ reception into service； and empower the President to
call upon individuals or States for such as they are willing to
contribute； with the condition of emancipation to all enrolled； a
sufficient number would be forthcoming to enable us to try the
experiment ＇of determining whether the slaves would make good
soldiers＇。 If it proved successful； most of the objections to the
measure would disappear； and if individuals still remained
unwilling to send their negroes to the army； the force of public
opinion in the States would soon bring about such legislation as
would remove all obstacles。 I think the matter should be left； as
far as possible； to the people and to the States； which alone can
legislate as the necessities of this particular service may
require。〃
The fact that Congress had before it this advice from Lee
explains why all factions accepted a compromise bill； passed on
the 9th of March； approved by the President on the 13th of March；
and issued to the country in a general order on the 23d of March。
It empowered the President to 〃ask for and accept from the owners
of slaves〃 the service of such number of negroes as he saw fit；
and if sufficient number were not offered to 〃call on each State
。。。for her quota of 300；000 troops。。。to be raised from
such classes of the population； irrespective of color； in each
State as the proper authorities thereof may determine。〃 However；
〃nothing in this act shall be construed to authorize a change in
the relation which the said slaves shall bear toward their
owners； except by consent of the owners and of the States in
which they may reside and in pursuance of the laws thereof。〃
The results of this act were negligible。 Its failure to offer the
slave…soldier his freedom was at once seized upon by critics as
evidence of the futility of the course of the Administration。 The
sneer went round that the negro was to be made to fight for his
own captivity。 Pollardwhose words； however； must be taken with
a
grain of salthas left this account of recruiting under the new
act： 〃Two comp