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the country doctor-第44章

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ge。 Therefore; gentlemen; the word ELECTION; to my thinking; is in a fair way to cause as much mischief as the words CONSCIENCE and LIBERTY; which ill…defined and ill…understood; were flung broadcast among the people; to serve as watchwords of revolt and incitements to destruction。 It seems to me to be a right and necessary thing that the masses should be kept in tutelage for the good of society。〃

〃This system of yours runs so clean contrary to everybody's notions nowadays; that we have some right to ask your reasons for it;〃 said Genestas; interrupting the doctor。

〃By all means; captain。〃

〃What is this the master is saying?〃 cried Jacquotte; as she went back to her kitchen。 〃There he is; the poor dear man; and what is he doing but advising them to crush the people! And they are listening to him〃

〃I would never have believed it of M。 Benassis;〃 answered Nicolle。

〃If I require that the ignorant masses should be governed by a strong hand;〃 the doctor resumed; after a brief pause; 〃I should desire at the same time that the framework of the social system should be sufficiently yielding and elastic to allow those who have the will and are conscious of their ability to emerge from the crowd; to rise and take their place among the privileged classes。 The aim of power of every kind is its own preservation。 In order to live; a government; to…day as in the past; must press the strong men of the nation into its service; taking them from every quarter; so as to make them its defenders; and to remove from among the people the men of energy who incite the masses to insurrection。 By opening out in this way to the public ambition paths that are at once difficult and easy; easy for strong wills; difficult for weak or imperfect ones; a State averts the perils of the revolutions caused by the struggles of men of superior powers to rise to their proper level。 Our long agony of forty years should have made it clear to any man who has brains that social superiorities are a natural outcome of the order of things。 They are of three kinds that cannot be questionedthe superiority of the thinker; the superiority of the politician; the superiority of wealth。 Is not that as much as to say; genius; power; and money; or; in yet other wordsthe cause; the means; and the effect? But suppose a kind of social tabula rasa; every social unit perfectly equal; an increase of population everywhere in the same ratio; and give the same amount of land to each family; it would not be long before you would again have all the existing inequalities of fortune; it is glaringly evident; therefore; that there are such things as superiority of fortune; of thinking capacity; and of power; and we must make up our minds to this fact; but the masses will always regard rights that have been most honestly acquired as privileges; and as a wrong done to themselves。

〃The SOCIAL CONTRACT founded upon this basis will be a perpetual pact between those who have and those who have not。 And acting on these principles; those who benefit by the laws will be the lawmakers; for they necessarily have the instinct of self…preservation; and foresee their dangers。 It is even more to their interest than to the interest of the masses themselves that the latter should be quiet and contented。 The happiness of the people should be ready made for the people。 If you look at society as a whole from this point of view; you will soon see; as I do; that the privilege of election ought only to be exercised by men who possess wealth; power; or intelligence; and you will likewise see that the action of the deputies they may choose to represent them should be considerably restricted。

〃The maker of laws; gentlemen; should be in advance of his age。 It is his business to ascertain the tendency of erroneous notions popularly held; to see the exact direction in which the ideas of a nation are tending; he labors for the future rather than for the present; and for the rising generation rather than for the one that is passing away。 But if you call in the masses to make the laws; can they rise above their own level? Nay。 The more faithfully an assembly represents the opinions held by the crowd; the less it will know about government; the less lofty its ideas will be; and the more vague and vacillating its policy; for the crowd is and always will be simply a crowd; and this especially with us in France。 Law involves submission to regulations; man is naturally opposed to rules and regulations of all kinds; especially if they interfere with his interests; so is it likely that the masses will enact laws that are contrary to their own inclinations? No。

〃Very often legislation ought to run counter to the prevailing tendencies of the time。 If the law is to be shaped by the prevailing habits of thought and tendencies of a nation; would not that mean that in Spain a direct encouragement would be given to idleness and religious intolerance; in England; to the commercial spirit; in Italy; to the love of the arts that may be the expression of a society; but by which no society can entirely exist; in Germany; feudal class distinctions would be fostered; and here; in France; popular legislation would promote the spirit of frivolity; the sudden craze for an idea; and the readiness to split into factions which has always been our bane。

〃What has happened in the forty years since the electors took it upon themselves to make laws for France? We have something like forty thousand laws! A people with forty thousand laws might as well have none at all。 Is it likely that five hundred mediocrities (for there are never more than a hundred great minds to do the work of any one century); is it likely that five hundred mediocrities will have the wit to rise to the level of these considerations? Not they! Here is a constant stream of men poured forth from five hundred different places; they will interpret the spirit of the law in divers manners; and there should be a unity of conception in the law。

〃But I will go yet further。 Sooner or later an assembly of this kind comes to be swayed by one man; and instead of a dynasty of kings; you have a constantly changing and costly succession of prime ministers。 There comes a Mirabeau or a Danton; a Robespierre or a Napoleon; or proconsuls; or an emperor; and there is an end of deliberations and debates。 In fact; it takes a determinate amount of force to raise a given weight; the force may be distributed; and you may have a less or greater number of levers; but it comes to the same thing in the end: the force must be in proportion to the weight。 The weight in this case is the ignorant and suffering mass of people who form the lowest stratum of society。 The attitude of authority is bound to be repressive; and great concentration of the governing power is needed to neutralize the force of a popular movement。 This is the application of the principle that I unfolded when I spoke just now of the way in which the class privileged to govern should be restricted。 If this class is composed of men of ability; they will obey this natural law; and compel the country to obey。 If you collect a crowd of mediocrities together; sooner or later they will fall under the dominion of a stronger head。 A dep
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