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others； united Europe to arm against the disturber of its peace。 All
Napoleon's allies suddenly became his enemies and their forces
advanced against the fresh forces he raised。 The Allies defeated
Napoleon； entered Paris； forced Napoleon to abdicate； and sent him
to the island of Elba； not depriving him of the title of Emperor and
showing him every respect； though five years before and one year later
they all regarded him as an outlaw and a brigand。 Then Louis XVIII；
who till then had been the laughingstock both of the French and the
Allies； began to reign。 And Napoleon； shedding tears before his Old
Guards； renounced the throne and went into exile。 Then the skillful
statesmen and diplomatists （especially Talleyrand； who managed to
sit down in a particular chair before anyone else and thereby extended
the frontiers of France） talked in Vienna and by these conversations
made the nations happy or unhappy。 Suddenly the diplomatists and
monarchs nearly quarreled and were on the point of again ordering
their armies to kill one another； but just then Napoleon arrived in
France with a battalion； and the French； who had been hating him；
immediately all submitted to him。 But the Allied monarchs were angry
at this and went to fight the French once more。 And they defeated
the genius Napoleon and； suddenly recognizing him as a brigand； sent
him to the island of St。 Helena。 And the exile； separated from the
beloved France so dear to his heart； died a lingering death on that
rock and bequeathed his great deeds to posterity。 But in Europe a
reaction occurred and the sovereigns once again all began to oppress
their subjects。〃
It would be a mistake to think that this is ironic… a caricature
of the historical accounts。 On the contrary it is a very mild
expression of the contradictory replies； not meeting the questions；
which all the historians give； from the compilers of memoirs and the
histories of separate states to the writers of general histories and
the new histories of the culture of that period。
The strangeness and absurdity of these replies arise from the fact
that modern history； like a deaf man； answers questions no one has
asked。
If the purpose of history be to give a description of the movement
of humanity and of the peoples； the first question… in the absence
of a reply to which all the rest will be incomprehensible… is： what is
the power that moves peoples？ To this； modern history laboriously
replies either that Napoleon was a great genius； or that Louis XIV was
very proud； or that certain writers wrote certain books。
All that may be so and mankind is ready to agree with it； but it
is not what was asked。 All that would be interesting if we
recognized a divine power based on itself and always consistently
directing its nations through Napoleons； Louis…es； and writers； but we
do not acknowledge such a power； and therefore before speaking about
Napoleons； Louis…es； and authors； we ought to be shown the
connection existing between these men and the movement of the nations。
If instead of a divine power some other force has appeared； it
should be explained in what this new force consists； for the whole
interest of history lies precisely in that force。
History seems to assume that this force is self…evident and known to
everyone。 But in spite of every desire to regard it as known； anyone
reading many historical works cannot help doubting whether this new
force； so variously understood by the historians themselves； is really
quite well known to everybody。
EP2｜CH2
CHAPTER II
What force moves the nations？
Biographical historians and historians of separate nations
understand this force as a power inherent in heroes and rulers。 In
their narration events occur solely by the will of a Napoleon； and
Alexander； or in general of the persons they describe。 The answers
given by this kind of historian to the question of what force causes
events to happen are satisfactory only as long as there is but one
historian to each event。 As soon as historians of different
nationalities and tendencies begin to describe the same event； the
replies they give immediately lose all meaning； for this force is
understood by them all not only differently but often in quite
contradictory ways。 One historian says that an event was produced by
Napoleon's power； another that it was produced by Alexander's； a third
that it was due to the power of some other person。 Besides this；
historians of that kind contradict each other even in their
statement as to the force on which the authority of some particular
person was based。 Thiers； a Bonapartist； says that Napoleon's power
was based on his virtue and genius。 Lanfrey； a Republican； says it was
based on his trickery and deception of the people。 So the historians
of this class； by mutually destroying one another's positions； destroy
the understanding of the force which produces events； and furnish no
reply to history's essential question。
Writers of universal history who deal with all the nations seem to
recognize how erroneous is the specialist historians' view of the
force which produces events。 They do not recognize it as a power
inherent in heroes and rulers； but as the resultant of a
multiplicity of variously directed forces。 In describing a war or
the subjugation of a people； a general historian looks for the cause
of the event not in the power of one man； but in the interaction of
many persons connected with the event。
According to this view the power of historical personages；
represented as the product of many forces； can no longer； it would
seem； be regarded as a force that itself produces events。 Yet in
most cases universal historians still employ the conception of power
as a force that itself produces events； and treat it as their cause。
In their exposition； an historic character is first the product of his
time； and his power only the resultant of various forces； and then his
power is itself a force producing events。 Gervinus； Schlosser； and
others； for instance； at one time prove Napoleon to be a product of
the Revolution； of the ideas of 1789 and so forth； and at another
plainly say that the campaign of 1812 and other things they do not
like were simply the product of Napoleon's misdirected will； and
that the very ideas of 1789 were arrested in their development by
Napoleon's caprice。 The ideas of the Revolution and the general temper
of the age produced Napoleon's power。 But Napoleon's power
suppressed the ideas of the Revolution and the general temper of the
age。
This curious contradiction is not accidental。 Not only does it occur
at every step； but the universal historians' accounts are all made
up of a chain of such contradictions。 This contradiction occurs
because after entering the field of analysis the universal
historians stop halfway。
To find component forces equal to the composite or resultant
force； the sum of the components must equal the resultant。 This
condition is never observed by the universal historians； and so to
explain the resultant forces they are o