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the origins of contemporary france-3-第12章

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II。



Spontaneous associations after July 14; 1789。   How these dissolve。

… Withdrawal of people of sense and occupation。  Number of those

absent at elections。  Birth and multiplication of Jacobin societies。

 Their influence over their adherents  Their maneuvers and

despotism。



Men thus disposed cannot fail to draw near each other; to understand

each other; and combine together; for; in the principle of popular

sovereignty; they have a common dogma; and; in the conquest of

political supremacy; a common aim。 Through a common aim they form a

faction; and through a common dogma they constitute a sect; the league

between them being more easily effected because they are a faction and

sect at the same time。



 At first their association is not distinguishable in the multitude of

other associations。 Political societies spring up on all sides after

the taking of the Bastille。 Some kind of organization had to be

substituted for the deposed or tottering government; in order to

provide for urgent public needs; to secure protection against

ruffians; to obtain supplies of provisions; and to guard against the

probably machinations of the court。 Committees installed themselves in

the town halls; while volunteers formed bodies of militia: hundreds of

local governments; almost independent; arose in the place of the

central government; almost destroyed。'5' For six months everybody

attended to matters of common interest; each individual getting to be

a public personage and bearing his quota of the government load: a

heavy load at all times; but heavier in times of anarchy; this; at

least; is the opinion of the majority but not of all of them。

Consequently; a division arises amongst those who had assumed this

load; and two groups are formed; one huge; inert and disintegrating;

and the other small; compact and energetic; each taking one of two

ways which diverge from each other; and which keep on diverging more

and more。



On one hand are the ordinary; sensible people; those who are busy; and

who are; to some extent; not over…conscientious; and not over…

conceited。 The power is in their hands because they find it prostrate;

lying abandoned in the street; they hold it provisionally only; for

they knew beforehand; or soon discover; that they are not qualified

for the post; it being one of those which; to be properly filled;

needs some preparation and fitness for it。 A man does not become

legislator or administrator in one day; any more than he suddenly

becomes a physician or surgeon。 If an accident obliges me to act in

the latter capacity; I yield; but against my will; and I do no more

than is necessary to save my patients from hurting themselves; My fear

of their dying under the operation is very great; and; as soon as some

other person can be found to take my place; I go home。'6'  I should

be glad; like everybody else; to have my vote in the selection of this

person; and; among the candidates。 I should designate; to the best of

my ability; one who seemed to me the ablest and most conscientious。

Once selected; however; and installed; I should not attempt to dictate

to him; his cabinet is private; and I have no right to run there

constantly and cross…question him; as if he were a child or under

suspicion。 It does not become me to tell him what to do; he probably

knows more about the case than I do; in any event; to keep a steady

hand; he must not be threatened; and; to keep a clear head; he must

not be disturbed。  Nor must I be disturbed; my office and books; my

shop; my customers must be attended to as well。 Everybody has to mind

his own business; and whoever would attend to his own and another's

too; spoils both。  This way of thinking prevails with most healthy

minds towards the beginning of the year 1790; all whose heads are not

turned by insane ambition and the mania for theorizing; especially

after six months of practical experience and knowing the dangers;

miscalculation; and vexations to which one is exposed in trying to

lead an eager; over…excited population。  Just at this time; December

1789; municipal law becomes established throughout the country; all

the mayors and municipal officers are elected almost immediately; and

in the following months; all administrators of districts and

departments。 The interregnum has a length come to an end。 Legal

authorities now exist; with legitimate and clearly…determined

functions。 Reasonable; honest people gladly turn power over to those

to whom it belongs; and certainly do not dream of resuming it。 All

associations for temporary purposes are at once disbanded for lack of

an object; and if others are formed; it is for the purpose of

defending established institutions。 This is the object of the

Federation; and; for six months; people embrace each other and

exchange oaths of fidelity。  After this; July 14; 1790; they retire

into private life; and I have no doubt that; from this date; the

political ambition of a large plurality of the French people is

satisfied; for; although Rousseau's denunciation of the social

hierarchy are still cited by them; they; at bottom; desire but little

more than the suppression of administrative brutality and state

favoritism。'7'  All this is obtained; and plenty of other things

besides; the august title of sovereign; the respect of the public

authorities; honors to all who wield a pen or make a speech; and;

better still; actual sovereignty in the appointment to office of all

local land national administrators; not only do the people elect their

deputies; but every species of functionary of every degree; those of

commune; district; and department; officers in the national guard;

civil and criminal magistrates; bishops and priests。 Again; to ensure

the responsibility of the elected to their electors; the term of

office fixed by law is a short one;'8' the electoral machine which

summons the sovereign to exercise his sovereignty being set agoing

about every four months。  This was a good deal; and too  much; as

the sovereign himself soon discovers。 Voting so frequently becomes

unendurable; so many prerogatives end in getting to be drudgery。 Early

in 1790; and after this date; the majority forego the privilege of

voting and the number of absentees becomes enormous。 At Chartres; in

May; 1790;'9' 1;447 out of 1;551 voters do not attend preliminary

meetings。 At Besan?on; in January; 1790; on the election of mayor and

municipal officers; 2;141 out of 3;200 registered electors are

recorded as absent from the polls; and 2;900 in the following month of

November。'10'  At Grenoble; in August and November of this year; out

of 2;500 registered voters; more than 2;000 are noted as absent。'11'

At Limoges; out of about the same number; there are only 150 voters。

At Paris; out of 81;400 electors; in August; 1790; 67;200 do not vote;

and; three months later; the number of absentees is 71 ;408。'12'



 Thus for every elector that votes; there are four; six; eight; ten;

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