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her with a romantic interest which forms a lovely halo about his own memory。
As this voyage up the Chickahominy is more fruitful in its consequences than Jason's voyage to Colchis； as it exhibits the energy； daring； invention； and various accomplishments of Captain Smith； as warrior； negotiator； poet； and narrator； as it describes Smith's first and only captivity among the Indians； and as it was during this absence of four weeks from Jamestown； if ever； that Pocahontas interposed to prevent the beating out of Smith's brains with a club； I shall insert the account of it in full； both Smith's own varying relations of it； and such contemporary notices of it as now come to light。 It is necessary here to present several accounts； just as they stand； and in the order in which they were written； that the reader may see for himself how the story of Pocahontas grew to its final proportions。 The real life of Pocahontas will form the subject of another chapter。
The first of these accounts is taken from 〃The True Relation；〃 written by Captain John Smith； composed in Virginia； the earliest published work relating to the James River Colony。 It covers a period of a little more than thirteen months； from the arrival at Cape Henry on April 26； 1607； to the return of Captain Nelson in the Phoenix； June 2； 1608。 The manuscript was probably taken home by Captain Nelson； and it was published in London in 1608。 Whether it was intended for publication is doubtful； but at that time all news of the venture in Virginia was eagerly sought； and a narrative of this importance would naturally speedily get into print。
In the several copies of it extant there are variations in the title… page； which was changed while the edition was being printed。 In some the name of Thomas Watson is given as the author； in others 〃A Gentleman of the Colony；〃 and an apology appears signed 〃 T。 H。；〃 for the want of knowledge or inadvertence of attributing it to any one except Captain Smith。
There is no doubt that Smith was its author。 He was still in Virginia when it was printed； and the printers made sad work of parts of his manuscript。 The question has been raised； in view of the entire omission of the name of Pocahontas in connection with this voyage and captivity； whether the manuscript was not cut by those who published it。 The reason given for excision is that the promoters of the Virginia scheme were anxious that nothing should appear to discourage capitalists； or to deter emigrants； and that this story of the hostility and cruelty of Powhatan； only averted by the tender mercy of his daughter； would have an unfortunate effect。 The answer to this is that the hostility was exhibited by the captivity and the intimation that Smith was being fatted to be eaten； and this was permitted to stand。 It is wholly improbable that an incident so romantic； so appealing to the imagination； in an age when wonder… tales were eagerly welcomed； and which exhibited such tender pity in the breast of a savage maiden； and such paternal clemency in a savage chief； would have been omitted。 It was calculated to lend a lively interest to the narration； and would be invaluable as an advertisement of the adventure。
＇For a full bibliographical discussion of this point the reader is referred to the reprint of 〃The True Relation；〃 by Charles Deane； Esq。； Boston； 1864； the preface and notes to which are a masterpiece of critical analysis。＇
That some portions of 〃The True Relation 〃 were omitted is possible。 There is internal evidence of this in the abrupt manner in which it opens； and in the absence of allusions to the discords during the voyage and on the arrival。 Captain Smith was not the man to pass over such questions in silence； as his subsequent caustic letter sent home to the Governor and Council of Virginia shows。 And it is probable enough that the London promoters would cut out from the 〃Relation〃 complaints and evidence of the seditions and helpless state of the colony。 The narration of the captivity is consistent as it stands； and wholly inconsistent with the Pocahontas episode。
We extract from the narrative after Smith's departure from Apocant； the highest town inhabited； between thirty and forty miles up the river； and below Orapaks； one of Powhatan's seats； which also appears on his map。 He writes：
〃Ten miles higher I discovered with the barge； in the midway a great tree hindered my passage； which I cut in two： heere the river became narrower； 8； 9 or 10 foote at a high water； and 6 or 7 at a lowe： the stream exceeding swift； and the bottom hard channell； the ground most part a low plaine； sandy soyle； this occasioned me to suppose it might issue from some lake or some broad ford； for it could not be far to the head； but rather then I would endanger the barge； yet to have beene able to resolve this doubt； and to discharge the imputating malicious tungs； that halfe suspected I durst not for so long delaying； some of the company； as desirous as myself； we resolved to hier a canow； and returne with the barge to Apocant； there to leave the barge secure； and put ourselves upon the adventure： the country onely a vast and wilde wilderness； and but only that Towne： within three or foure mile we hired a canow； and 2 Indians to row us ye next day a fowling： having made such provision for the barge as was needfull； I left her there to ride； with expresse charge not any to go ashore til my returne。 Though some wise men may condemn this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion； yet if they well consider the friendship of the Indians； in conducting me； the desolatenes of the country； the probabilitie of some lacke； and the malicious judges of my actions at home； as also to have some matters of worth to incourage our adventurers in england； might well have caused any honest minde to have done the like； as wel for his own discharge as for the publike good： having 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company； I set forward； leaving 7 in the barge； having discovered 20 miles further in this desart； the river stil kept his depth and bredth； but much more combred with trees； here we went ashore （being some 12 miles higher than ye barge had bene） to refresh our selves； during the boyling of our vituals： one of the Indians I tooke with me； to see the nature of the soile； and to cross the boughts of the river； the other Indian I left with M。 Robbinson and Thomas Emry； with their matches light and order to discharge a peece； for my retreat at the first sight of any Indian； but within a quarter of an houre I heard a loud cry； and a hollowing of Indians； but no warning peece； supposing them surprised； and that the Indians had betraid us； presently I seazed him and bound his arme fast to my hand in a garter； with my pistoll ready bent to be revenged on him： he advised me to fly and seemed ignorant of what was done； but as we went discoursing； I was struck with an arrow on the right thigh； but without harme： upon this occasion I espied 2 Indians drawing their bowes； which I prevented in discharging a french pistoll： by that I had charged again 3 or 4 more did the 'like； for the first fell downe and fled： at my discharge they did the like； my hinde I made my barricade； w